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Mit dem Ausbruch der Revolution wurde 1642 in England nicht nur ein Kapitel des politischen und gesellschaftlichen Umbruchs eingeleitet, sondern auch eine Phase der intensiven Auseinandersetzung um die politische Deutungshoheit und Selbstlegitimierung der konkurrierenden Parteien. "Authority" spielte als Argument in den zeitgenössischen Debatten zwischen Royalisten und den Gegnern einer uneingeschränkten Monarchie eine entscheidende Rolle. Diese ursprünglich der königlichen Herrschaft aneignende Kompetenz wurde durch große Teile des Parlaments nicht nur grundsätzlich in Frage gestellt, sondern zunehmend auch versucht, für die eigene, parlamentarische Legitimation einzuspannen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung widmet sich diesen komplexen und wechselhaften Diskursen um politische "authority", einem Kernbegriff der zeitgenössischen Debatte, dem sich erstaunlicherweise bislang trotz überdurchschnittlichem Interesse der historischen Forschung am Untersuchungszeitraum nicht gewidmet wurde. Dies verwundert um so mehr vor dem Hintergrund der Konstatierung und regen Erforschung der Gruppe der "neo-roman authors" - also der Autoren, die eine Wiederbelebung des römisch-antiken Republikanismus als neues politisches System für das 1649 königslos gewordene Land forderten. Denn auch der Autoritätsbegriff hat antike Wurzeln, die es in der Untersuchung gleichsam gilt, mit der Definition und dem Gebrauch von "authority" im frühneuzeitlichen England zu kontrastieren.Ausgehend von der Verwendung und Bedeutung des Begriffes in Zeiten einer starken Königsmacht unter den späten Tudors und den Stuarts wird "authority" zunehmend als handlungsleitendes Konzept politischer Herrschaft und Legitimation begriffen, das tief in der Gesellschaft verankert war. Dies erklärt auch die prominente Instrumentalisierung des Terminus durch den Staatsphilosophen Thomas Hobbes, der mit seinem Hauptwerk "Leviathan" vor allem auch eine Theorie der absoluten "authority" liefert. Ausgehend von seiner 1651 veröffentlichten Definition der "authority" wird die deterministische Kraft des Begriffes untersucht und seine Bedeutung in den Debatten der Bürgerkriegszeit ebenso belegt, wie für die Phase des Interregnums. Dabei wird eine Vielzahl unterschiedlicher politischer, gesellschaftlicher und religiöser Akteure und Gruppen beleuchtet, die in ihrer Vielschichtigkeit einen Eindruck der heterogenen, zeitgenössischen Gesellschaft vermitteln. "Authority" ist das sie verbindende Argument - eine Sonde zur Erforschung ihrer gedanklichen Ausrichtung in einer Zeit des politischen Umbruchs, der Konkurrenz unterschiedlicher sozialer Gruppen um Vorherrschaft und Deutungshoheit und der religiösen Zersplitterung.Die vorliegende Arbeit ist dabei keine rein begriffsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, sondern trägt im Sinne der "Cambridge School of political ideas" der Vernetzung innerhalb der Gesellschaft Rechnung, indem sie einen multiperspektivischen Ansatz verfolgt und die Ergebnisse immer wieder mit politischen sowie gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen kontextualisiert. Neben bekannten Autoren, wie Thomas Hobbes, James Harrington und John Milton, werden auch unbekanntere Autoren für ein möglichst aussagekräftiges Bild des zeitgenössischen Meinungsspektrums untersucht. Im Sinne von Gadi Algazis und Rolf Reichhardts Kritik an der klassischen Begriffsgeschichte soll damit auch ein Beitrag zur gewinnbringenden Verknüpfung und Modernisierung der Konzepte der Begriffs- und Ideengeschichte mit der "Intellectual History" Quentin Skinners und John Pococks geleistet werden. The eruption of revolution in England was preceded by a phase of intensive debate on the political interpretation and self-legitimization of competing parties. "Authority" played a critical role as an argument in the contemporary debates. The book addresses discourses on political "authority" and examines a variety of political, societal, and religious actors and groups.

England. --- English Revolution. --- Interregnum. --- Thomas Hobbes.

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History of Germany and Austria --- anno 1200-1499 --- Germany --- -Germany --- -History --- -History of Germany and Austria --- History --- Interregnum, 1254-1273 --- 1273-1517

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Despite the execution of Charles I and the establishment of a kingless republic, the period of the English Civil Wars and their aftermath is rarely described as one of constitutional revolution. The notion that the 1650s were politically conservative is exemplified by the tendency of historians to fixate upon the offer of kingship to Oliver Cromwell and his increasingly monarchical appearance. This book rethinks the political history of the 1640s and 1650s by focusing instead upon the upper parliamentary chamber. Besides exploring changing attitudes towards the House of Lords during the Civil Wars, and the circumstances that led to its abolition in 1649, it provides the first thorough study of the Cromwellian "Other House" - a new upper parliamentary chamber of nominated life peers created in 1657. Jonathan Fizgibbons demonstrates how the Other House was much more integral to Cromwell's aims for a lasting post-war settlement than the offer of the Crown. More broadly, this book reconceptualises the political and constitutional history of the 1640s and 1650s by looking beyond outward forms of government and visual culture. It argues that radical shifts in political thought were concealed by apparent continuities in forms of government. Even though the new Cromwellian upper chamber had the familiar appearance of a House of Lords, the very meaning of the House of Lords was contested and transformed by the experience of the Civil Wars and their aftermath.

Politics and government. --- Great Britain. --- History. --- 1642-1660. --- Great Britain --- History --- Politics and government --- Cromwell, Oliver --- 1642-1660 --- England and Wales. --- HISTORY / Modern / 17th Century. --- Civil Wars. --- Cromwellian Protectorate. --- House of Lords. --- Interregnum. --- constitutional changes. --- constitutional revolution. --- government. --- political history.

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What is revenge, and what purpose does it serve? On the early modern English stage, depictions of violence and carnage-the duel between Hamlet and Laertes that leaves nearly everyone dead or the ghastly meal of human remains served at the end of Titus Andronicus-emphasize arresting acts of revenge that upset the social order. Yet the subsequent critical focus on a narrow selection of often bloody "revenge plays" has overshadowed subtler and less spectacular modes of vengeance present in early modern culture.In Civil Vengeance, Emily L. King offers a new way of understanding early modern revenge in relation to civility and community. Rather than relegating vengeance to the social periphery, she uncovers how facets of society-church, law, and education-relied on the dynamic of retribution to augment their power such that revenge emerges as an extension of civility. To revise the lineage of revenge literature in early modern England, King rereads familiar revenge tragedies (including Marston's Antonio's Revenge and Kyd's The Spanish Tragedy) alongside a new archive that includes conduct manuals, legal and political documents, and sermons. Shifting attention from episodic revenge to "idian forms, Civil Vengeance provides new insights into the manner by which retaliation informs identity formation, interpersonal relationships, and the construction of the social body.

Drama --- Thematology --- English literature --- drama [literature] --- theme --- plays [performed works] --- anno 1500-1599 --- England --- Revenge --- Civil society in literature. --- Revenge in literature. --- English drama --- Vengeance --- Retribution --- Social aspects --- History. --- History and criticism. --- Shakespeare, Renaissance, England, violence, revenge tragedy, conduct books, Interregnum. --- drama [discipline] --- plays [performing arts compositions] --- kunst en literatuur

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The Protectorate is arguably the Cinderella of Interregnum studies: it lacks the immediate drama of the Regicide, the Republic or the Restoration, and is often dismissed as a 'retreat from revolution', a short period of conservative rule before the inevitable return of the Stuarts. The essays in this volume present new research that challenges this view. They argue instead that the Protectorate was dynamic and progressive, even if the policies put forward were not always successful, and often created further tensions within the government and between Whitehall and the localities. Particular topics include studies of Oliver Cromwell and his relationship with Parliament, and the awkward position inherited by his son, Richard; the role of art and architecture in creating a splendid protectoral court; and the important part played by the council, as a law-making body, as a political cockpit, and as part of a hierarchy of government covering not just England but also Ireland and Scotland. There are also investigations of the reactions to Cromwellian rule in Wales, in the towns and cities of the Severn/Avon basin, and in the local communities of England faced with a far-reaching programme of religious reform. PATRICK LITTLE is Senior Research Fellow at the History of Parliament Trust. Contributors: BARRY COWARD, DAVID L. SMITH, JASON PEACEY, PAUL HUNNEYBALL, BLAIR WORDEN, PETER GAUNT, LLOYD BOWEN, STEPHEN K. ROBERTS, CHRISTOPHER DURSTON.

Cromwell, Oliver, --- Great Britain --- History --- Politics and government --- Cromwell, Oliver --- Cromwel, Oliver --- HISTORY / Modern / General. --- History of Parliament Trust. --- Interregnum studies. --- Oliver Cromwell. --- PATRICK LITTLE. --- Protectorate. --- Richard Cromwell. --- Severn/Avon basin. --- Stuarts. --- Wales. --- architecture. --- art. --- conservative rule. --- council. --- law-making body. --- religious reform.