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In the face of new extraction, communities in Latin America's hydrocarbon and mining regions use participatory institutions to challenge extraction. In some cases, communities act within the formal participatory spaces, while in others, they organize "around" or "in reaction to" the institutions, using participatory procedures as a focal point for the escalation of conflict. Communities select their strategies in response to the participatory challenges they confront. Those challenges are associated with contestation over the boundaries that determine access to the participatory institutions. Contestation over the line between subnational authority vis-à-vis central-state jurisdictions heightens communities' challenge of initiating a participatory process. Disagreement over the territorial delineation of communities impacted by planned extraction creates the challenge of gaining inclusion in participatory events, for formally nonimpacted communities. Finally, disputes over the boundary that sets representatives of an affected community apart from the community at large intensify the community's challenge of conveying a position on extraction. This analysis of thirty major extractive conflicts in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru in the 2000s and 2010s examines community uses of public hearings built into environmental licensing, state-led prior consultations with native communities, and local popular consultations, or referenda.
politics --- Latin America --- indigenous politics --- Political participation --- Communities
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In the contemporary world of neoliberalism, efficiency is treated as the vehicle of political and economic health. State bureaucracy, but not corporate bureaucracy, is seen as inefficient, and privatization is seen as a magic cure for social ills. In Public Things: Democracy in Disrepair, Bonnie Honig asks whether democracy is possible in the absence of public services, spaces, and utilities. In other words, if neoliberalism leaves to democracy merely electoral majoritarianism and procedures of deliberation while divesting democratic states of their ownership of public things, what will the impact be? Following Tocqueville, who extolled the virtues of “pursuing in common the objects of common desires,” Honig focuses not on the demos but on the objects of democratic life. Democracy, as she points out, postulates public things—infrastructure, monuments, libraries—that citizens use, care for, repair, and are gathered up by. To be “gathered up” refers to the work of D. W. Winnicott, the object relations psychoanalyst who popularized the idea of “transitional objects”—the toys, teddy bears, or favorite blankets by way of which infants come to understand themselves as unified selves with an inside and an outside in relation to others. The wager of Public Things is that the work transitional objects do for infants is analogously performed for democratic citizens by public things, which press us into object relations with others and with ourselves. Public Things attends also to the historically racial character of public things: public lands taken from indigenous peoples, access to public goods restricted to white majorities. Drawing on Hannah Arendt, who saw how things fabricated by humans lend stability to the human world, Honig shows how Arendt and Winnicott—both theorists of livenesss—underline the material and psychological conditions necessary for object permanence and the reparative work needed for a more egalitarian democracy.
Political science --- Democracy --- Philosophy. --- Winnicott, D. W. --- Arendt, Hannah, --- Arendt. --- Jonathan Lear. --- Sovereignty. --- Tocqueville. --- Winnicott. --- affect. --- civil obedience. --- democratic theory. --- indigenous politics. --- infrastructure. --- neoliberalism. --- object relations. --- opting out. --- race. --- von Trier.
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"In THEFT IS PROPERTY! Robert Nichols develops the concept of "recursive dispossession" to describe the critical bind that indigenous activists face when seeking justice for the appropriation of their land: they simultaneously claim that their land was stolen by Anglo settlers, but also that territoriality and property ownership are themselves settler concepts. Putting indigenous thought into conversation with Marxist theory, Nichols argues that property relations under settler colonialism are built upon a structural form of negation, wherein some groups must be alienated from the very property that is being created. Thus, theft precedes and generates property, rather than vice versa, and indigenous claims of retroactive "original ownership" are not contradictory or logically flawed, but rather, gesture back to this very dynamic. By looking at dispossession as a unique historical process in the context of colonialism, Nichols shows how contemporary indigenous struggles have always already produced their own mode of critique and articulation of radical politics"--
Indigenous peoples --- Indians of North America --- Land tenure --- Legal status, laws, etc. --- Claims. --- Land tenure. --- Aboriginal peoples --- Aborigines --- Adivasis --- Indigenous populations --- Native peoples --- Native races --- Ethnology --- Land titles --- Real property --- Sociology of minorities --- Colonisation. Decolonisation --- North America --- Indis de l'Amèrica del Nord --- Reclamacions --- Situació legal, lleis, etc. --- Tinença de la terra --- American aborigines --- American Indians --- First Nations (North America) --- Indians of the United States --- Native Americans --- North American Indians --- Indis d'Amèrica del Nord --- Culture --- Cultura --- Etnologia --- dispossession --- colonialism --- Indigenous politics --- critical theory --- Marxism --- critical race theory --- property --- Reclamacions. --- Tinença de la terra.
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Mistress of everything examines how indigenous people across Britain's settler colonies engaged with Queen Victoria in their lives and predicaments, incorporated her into their political repertoires, and implicated her as they sought redress for the effects of imperial expansion during her long reign. It draws together empirically rich studies from Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Southern Africa, to provide scope for comparative and transnational analysis. The book includes chapters on a Maori visit to Queen Victoria in 1863, meetings between African leaders and the Queen's son Prince Alfred in 1860, gift-giving in the Queen's name on colonial frontiers in Canada and Australia, and Maori women's references to Queen Victoria in support of their own chiefly status and rights.
Visits of state. --- Social conditions. --- Public opinion. --- British colonies. --- Visits of state --- Heads of state --- Presidential visits --- Royal visits --- State visits --- Visitors, Foreign --- Opinion, Public --- Perception, Public --- Popular opinion --- Public perception --- Public perceptions --- Judgment --- Social psychology --- Attitude (Psychology) --- Focus groups --- Reputation --- Descriptive sociology --- Social conditions --- Social history --- History --- Sociology --- Travel --- Victoria, --- 1800-1901 --- Great Britain. --- Great Britain --- Colonies --- Social & Cultural History. --- Colonialism & Imperialism. --- HISTORY / Europe / Great Britain. --- Colonialism & imperialism --- European history --- Social & cultural history. --- Alexandrina Victoria, --- Bhikṭoriẏā, --- Anglia --- Angliyah --- Briṭanyah --- England and Wales --- Förenade kungariket --- Grã-Bretanha --- Grande-Bretagne --- Grossbritannien --- Igirisu --- Iso-Britannia --- Marea Britanie --- Nagy-Britannia --- Prydain Fawr --- Royaume-Uni --- Saharātchaʻānāčhak --- Storbritannien --- United Kingdom --- United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland --- United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland --- Velikobritanii͡ --- Wielka Brytania --- Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta --- Northern Ireland --- Scotland --- Wales --- British settler colonies. --- Indigenous politics. --- Queen Victoria. --- colonization. --- networks of empire.
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