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Much of the research on ethnicity, development and conflict implicitly assumes that ethnic groups act collectively in pursuit of their interests. Collective political action is typically facilitated by political parties able to make credible commitments to pursue group interests. Other work, however, emphasizes the lack of political credibility as a source of adverse development outcomes. Evidence presented here uses partisan preferences across 16 Sub-Saharan African countries to distinguish these positions. The evidence is inconsistent with the credibility of party commitments to pursue collective ethnic interests: ethnic clustering of political support is less widespread than expected; members of clustered ethnic groups exhibit high rates of partisan disinterest and are only slightly more likely to express a partisan preference; and partisan preferences are more affected by factors, such as gift-giving, often associated with low political credibility. These findings emphasize the importance of looking beyond ethnicity in analyses of economic development.
Candidates --- Constituencies --- Constituency --- Decision making --- Democracies --- Democracy --- Democratic development --- Democratic process --- Democratic regimes --- Education --- Education and Society --- Educational Sciences --- Election --- Elections --- Electorate --- Governance --- Health --- Nutrition and Population --- Parliamentary Government --- Policy issues --- Political campaigns --- Political parties --- Political party --- Political systems --- Population Policies --- Public good --- Public interest --- Public services --- Social Development --- Social Inclusion & Institutions
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This paper aims to provide a very distilled summary of the concepts shaping the discourse around state-building in fragile, conflict-affected situations, and to explore some of the operational implications for international development practitioners working in these settings, drawing on experience from two post-conflict countries. The paper arises out of a collaboration between Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery (UNDP) and the World Bank's Fragile and Conflict-Affected Countries Group to strengthen their analytical work and guidance to country offices in the area of state building, and to extend interagency cooperation at headquarters and field level. This paper, and the operational guidance it proposes, is a product of the missions to Sierra Leone and Liberia, and its principal audience is country office staff in fragile and conflict-affected settings. The material in this paper is organised around four themes:(i) Current concepts and theory on state-building; (ii) Our practical experience with applying a state-building lens to specific aspects of programming in Sierra Leone and Liberia; (iii) Some operational considerations on approaching statebuilding in fragile, conflict-affected settings; and (iv) Proposals for what an overworked country office can do to support state-building. This paper sits alongside a detailed report on, Donor Support for Capacity Development in Post-Conflict States: Reflections from Two Case Studies in West Africa, which was also developed as part of the UNDP-World Bank collaboration and field missions.
Accountability --- Best Practices --- Bureaucracy --- Conflict and Development --- Consensus --- Constituencies --- Constitutions --- Corruption --- Decentralization --- Discrimination --- Financial Management --- Fraud --- Governance --- Human Rights --- Leadership --- Legislation --- Local Government --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Monopolies --- National Governance --- Political Economy --- Political Elites --- Politics --- Public Policy --- Public Sector --- Public Sector Development --- Rule of Law --- Sanctions --- Sovereignty --- Transparency --- Violence --- Voter Registration --- Voting
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The Horn of Africa (HOA) is one of the most underdeveloped regions on earth. It is also one of the most conflict-ridden, insecure regions in the world. While Africa as a whole has enjoyed a trend in recent years toward reduction and termination of many of its civil wars, the HOA is the exception to the rule. Indeed, the region's prolonged armed conflicts have spread, engulfing several neighboring states in warfare and partial state collapse. While aspects of the HOA case are obviously unique, and sensitivity to context and complexity must be privileged in both analysis of and policy toward the Horn, the region's crises are not so distinct that they preclude useful comparative analysis. This paper considers conflict dynamics across the entire Horn of Africa, but devotes special attention to the case of Somalia which, because of the depth, length, and significance of its crisis, is a source of particular international concern. Because Somalia's crisis has been so protracted and has gone through several very distinct phases, it provides an opportunity to compare conflict dynamics in a single country over time.
Alliances --- Conflict --- Conflict and Development --- Conflict Resolution --- Constituencies --- Corruption --- Corruption & anticorruption Law --- Economic Development --- Economy --- Elections --- Extortion --- Foreign Aid --- Free Press --- Gangs --- Governance --- Human Rights --- Judiciary --- Law and Development --- Leadership --- National Governance --- Observers --- Organized Crime --- Patronage --- Peace & Peacekeeping --- Peacebuilding --- Piracy --- Polarization --- Political Elites --- Politics --- Post Conflict Reconstruction --- Refugees --- Risk Management --- Rule of Law --- Social Development --- Terrorism --- Violence
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Much of the research on ethnicity, development and conflict implicitly assumes that ethnic groups act collectively in pursuit of their interests. Collective political action is typically facilitated by political parties able to make credible commitments to pursue group interests. Other work, however, emphasizes the lack of political credibility as a source of adverse development outcomes. Evidence presented here uses partisan preferences across 16 Sub-Saharan African countries to distinguish these positions. The evidence is inconsistent with the credibility of party commitments to pursue collective ethnic interests: ethnic clustering of political support is less widespread than expected; members of clustered ethnic groups exhibit high rates of partisan disinterest and are only slightly more likely to express a partisan preference; and partisan preferences are more affected by factors, such as gift-giving, often associated with low political credibility. These findings emphasize the importance of looking beyond ethnicity in analyses of economic development.
Candidates --- Constituencies --- Constituency --- Decision making --- Democracies --- Democracy --- Democratic development --- Democratic process --- Democratic regimes --- Education --- Education and Society --- Educational Sciences --- Election --- Elections --- Electorate --- Governance --- Health --- Nutrition and Population --- Parliamentary Government --- Policy issues --- Political campaigns --- Political parties --- Political party --- Political systems --- Population Policies --- Public good --- Public interest --- Public services --- Social Development --- Social Inclusion & Institutions
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"This book is an expanded version of the Clark Kerr Lectures of 2012, delivered by Neil Smelser at the University of California at Berkeley in January and February of that year. The initial exposition is of a theory of change--labeled structural accretion--that has characterized the history of American higher education, mainly (but not exclusively) of universities. The essence of the theory is that institutions of higher education progressively add functions, structures, and constituencies as they grow, but seldom shed them, yielding increasingly complex structures. The first two lectures trace the multiple ramifications of this principle into other arenas, including the essence of complexity in the academic setting, the solidification of academic disciplines and departments, changes in faculty roles and the academic community, the growth of political constituencies, academic administration and governance, and academic stratification by prestige. In closing, Smelser analyzes a number of contemporary trends and problems that are superimposed on the already-complex structures of higher education, such as the diminishing public support without alterations of governance and accountability, the increasing pattern of commercialization in higher education, the growth of distance-learning and for-profit institutions, and the spectacular growth of temporary and part-time faculty"--
HISTORY / United States / General --- Educational change --- Universities and colleges --- Administration --- Universities and colleges -- United States.. --- Universities and colleges -- Administration -- United States.. --- Educational change -- United States. --- academic administration. --- academic community. --- academic department. --- academic disciplines. --- academic freedom. --- academic stratification. --- academic. --- accountability. --- clark kerr. --- complex structures. --- contemporary trends. --- education history. --- education policy. --- education reform. --- education. --- engaging. --- higher ed leadership. --- higher education. --- history. --- part time faculty. --- political constituencies. --- public support. --- structural accretion. --- teachers and faculty. --- theory of change. --- universities. --- Administration.
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A fresh interpretation of London's early Victorian political culture, devoting particular attention to the relationship which existed between Whigs and vestry-based radicals. In the second quarter of the nineteenth century the British capital witnessed a growing polarisation between metropolitan Whig politicians and the increasingly vocal political force of London radicalism - a tension exacerbated by urban, and in many respects specifically metropolitan, issues. Though Whiggery was a political creed based on tenets such as the defence of parliament and free trade, it has been traditionally thought out of place and out of favour in large urban settings, in part because of its association with aristocracy. By contrast, this book shows it to have been an especially potent force in the early Victorian capital where continual conflict between Whigs and radicals gave the metropolitan constituencies a singularly contested and particularly vibrant liberal political culture. From the mid-1830s, vestry-based metropolitan radicals active in local governing structures began to espouse an anti-Whig programme, aimed in part at undermining their electoral strength in the metropolitan constituencies, which emphasised the preservation and extension of "local self-government". This new cause displaced the older radical rhetorics of constitutional "purification" and "re-balance", and in so doing drove metropolitan radicalism away from its earlier associations and towards a retrenchment-obsessed and anti-aristocratic liberalism. Benjamin Weinstein is assistant professor of history at Central Michigan University.
Local government --- Liberalism --- Local administration --- Township government --- Subnational governments --- Administrative and political divisions --- Decentralization in government --- Public administration --- History --- Radicalism --- London (England) --- Politics and government --- Extremism, Political --- Ideological extremism --- Political extremism --- Political science --- Liberal egalitarianism --- Liberty --- Social sciences --- Londen (England) --- Londinium (England) --- Londres (England) --- Londýn (England) --- Lunnainn (England) --- Benjamin Weinstein. --- Early Victorian London. --- Liberalism. --- Local Government. --- London radicalism. --- anti-Whig programme. --- local self-government. --- metropolitan Whig politicians. --- metropolitan constituencies. --- political culture. --- political force. --- urban issues.
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Kenya's new constitution marks a critical juncture in the nation's history. It is widely perceived, by Kenyans from all walks of life, as a new beginning. Indeed, many feel that post- independence Kenya has been characterized by centralization of political and economic power in the hands of a few, resulting in an uneven and unfair distribution of resources and corresponding access to social services; the opposite of an inclusive state. Born of the political opportunity created by the 2008 post-election violence, the constitution finally adopted, after almost a decade of unsuccessful reform attempts, presages far-reaching changes. Its vision encompasses a dramatic transformation of the Kenyan state through new accountable and transparent institutions, inclusive approaches to government and a firm focus on equitable service delivery for all Kenyans through the newly established county governments. Devolution is at the heart of the new constitution and a key vehicle for addressing spatial inequities. A more decentralized government makes eminent sense, given Kenya's diversity and experience with political use of central power. Decentralization has been increasingly seen and adopted worldwide as a guarantee against discretionary use of power by central elites as well as a way to enhance the efficiency of social service provision, by allowing for a closer match between public policies and the desires and needs of local constituencies. Kenya's constitution entrenches devolved government by guaranteeing a minimum unconditional transfer to counties under the new dispensation. The devolution train has already left the station: the challenge is to make sure it arrives at destination, safely and on time. The politics of devolution explain the high intensity of hopes and expectations that have been pinned to it. It also means there are high risks if they are disappointed. There are great opportunities and enormous challenges waiting for Kenya, in a critical election year, which will determine the fate of the country, politically and economically for years to come. This report takes a snapshot look at the critical issues facing Kenya's policy makers today. It does not argue for or against devolution (a decision that belongs solely to Kenyans), but presents suggestions and recommendations on how best to navigate the tough choices ahead. It's main focus in on helping Kenya manage a delicate transition.
Accountability --- Accounting --- Autonomy --- Capacity Building --- Cities --- Civil Service --- Constituencies --- Corruption --- Corruption & anticorruption Law --- Decentralization --- Decision Making --- Elections --- Electricity --- Employment --- Financial Management --- Governance --- Housing --- Intergovernmental Relations --- Law and Development --- Leadership --- Legal Framework --- Legislation --- Municipal Financial Management --- Municipalities --- Natural Resources --- Parliamentary Government --- Patronage --- Penalties --- Property Taxes --- Public Health --- Public Sector Development --- Public Sector Management and Reform --- Roads --- Tax Administration --- Transparency --- Transport --- Urban Areas --- Urban Development --- Urbanization --- Violence --- Wages
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This paper focuses on recent theoretical developments in political economy and what role they might play in explaining and reforming individual country and global distortions in food and agricultural markets. Four groups of forces are isolated: political governance structures emphasizing the role of democratic mechanisms; the design of polycentric structures for assigned governmental authority for setting policy instruments; market structure and other socioeconomic characteristics; and the role of sector mobility and asset diversification. Each of these forces are distilled and data sources are reviewed that will allow econometric specifications that have both explanatory and policy reform implications.
Accounting --- Agricultural Sector Economics --- Agricultural Trade --- Agriculture --- Bribery --- Conflict of Interest --- Constituencies --- Corruption --- Credibility --- Crime --- Decision Making --- Democracies --- Developed Countries --- Developing Countries --- Economic Development --- Economics --- Elections --- Expenditures --- Gdp --- Human Capital --- Human Rights --- Income Inequality --- Judiciary --- Labor Market --- Leadership --- Legal Framework --- Legal System --- Legislation --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Moral Hazard --- Patronage --- Policy Making --- Political Economy --- Property Rights --- Public Finance --- Public officials --- Public Policy --- Public Spending --- Rule of Law --- Statistical analysis --- Terrorism --- Trade Policy --- Transaction Costs --- Transparency --- Violence
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This paper deals with the effect of constitutional rules on agricultural policy outcomes in a panel of observations for more than 70 developing and developed countries in the 1955-2005 period. Testable hypotheses are drawn from recent developments in the comparative politics literature that see political institutions as key elements in shaping public policies. Using differences-in-differences regressions we find a positive effect of a transition into democracy on agricultural protection. However, this average effect masks substantial heterogeneities across different forms of democracy. Indeed, what matters are transitions to proportional democracies, as well as to permanent democracies. Moreover, while the author does not detect significant differences across alternative forms of government (presidential versus parliamentary systems), there is some evidence that the effect of proportional election is exacerbated under parliamentary regimes, and diminished under presidential ones.
Accountability --- Agricultural Sector Economics --- Agriculture --- Civil Liberties --- Constituencies --- Corruption & anticorruption Law --- Democracies --- Economic Liberalization --- Economics --- Elections --- Employment --- Fiscal Policy --- Gdp --- Governance --- Interest Groups --- Labor Market --- Labor Policies --- Law and Development --- Leadership --- Legislation --- Legislative Process --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Political Economy --- Political Institutions --- Political Science --- Politics and Government --- Poverty and Trade --- Property Rights --- Protectionism --- Public Policy --- Separation of Powers --- Social Protections and Labor --- Trade Liberalization --- Trade Policy --- Voting
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This paper develops a framework to assess organizational performance in the delivery of social safety nets. Specifically, it provides guidance to task teams and program managers for identifying indicators of governance and service quality in targeted cash transfer programs. The paper identifies governance issues along the results chain of service delivery and suggests policy and performance indicators for assessing program inputs, human resources, financing and resource management; and program activities, operational procedures, Management Information Systems (MIS) and control. It also suggests indicators of organizational performance and the quality of outputs, including demand-side accountability mechanisms.
Accountability --- Accounting --- Administrative Procedures --- Bureaucracy --- Cash Transfers --- Civil Service --- Consensus --- Constituencies --- Corruption --- Cost-Effectiveness --- Crime --- Data Collection --- Decentralization --- Decision Making --- Disclosure --- Discrimination --- Financial Management --- Good Governance --- Governance --- Governance Indicators --- Human Rights --- Income Distribution --- Inflation --- Legal Framework --- Legislation --- Local Government --- Mass Media --- Money Laundering --- National Governance --- Performance Evaluation --- Political Economy --- Private Sector --- Public Sector --- Public Sector Development --- Public Service Delivery --- Quality Control --- Risk Management --- Social Development --- Social Insurance --- Social Protections and Labor --- Transparency --- Voting
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