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The Islamic Republic of Iran has committed itself to substantial trade and market reform in its Third Five-Year Development Plan. It started out with nontariff barriers on all products, a dual exchange rate regime with the market rate more than four times the official rate, and domestic energy subsidies equal to about 90 percent of the cost of energy products. Many of these policies were justified as helping the poor. To analyze the effect of the reforms, separately and together, the authors develop a multisector computable general equilibrium model with 10 rural and 10 urban households. They find that the combined reforms could generate welfare gains equal to about 50 percent of aggregate consumer income. These gains reflect the large initial distortions-for example, energy subsidies equal to about 18 percent of GDP, and retail energy prices equal to about 10 percent of world market prices. Separately, trade reform would lead to gains of about 5 percent of income, exchange rate reform to gains of 7 percent of income, and energy pricing reform to gains of 33 percent of income. The authors' results show that well-intentioned commodity subsidy policies for the poor can have perverse effects. Direct income payments to all households (not just the poor) would vastly increase the incomes of the poor compared with the status quo. Moreover, if the combined reforms were implemented, the poorest rural household would receive gains equal to about 290 percent of its income, and the poorest urban household gains equal to about 140 percent of its income.
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The Islamic Republic of Iran has committed itself to substantial trade and market reform in its Third Five-Year Development Plan. It started out with nontariff barriers on all products, a dual exchange rate regime with the market rate more than four times the official rate, and domestic energy subsidies equal to about 90 percent of the cost of energy products. Many of these policies were justified as helping the poor. To analyze the effect of the reforms, separately and together, the authors develop a multisector computable general equilibrium model with 10 rural and 10 urban households. They find that the combined reforms could generate welfare gains equal to about 50 percent of aggregate consumer income. These gains reflect the large initial distortions-for example, energy subsidies equal to about 18 percent of GDP, and retail energy prices equal to about 10 percent of world market prices. Separately, trade reform would lead to gains of about 5 percent of income, exchange rate reform to gains of 7 percent of income, and energy pricing reform to gains of 33 percent of income. The authors' results show that well-intentioned commodity subsidy policies for the poor can have perverse effects. Direct income payments to all households (not just the poor) would vastly increase the incomes of the poor compared with the status quo. Moreover, if the combined reforms were implemented, the poorest rural household would receive gains equal to about 290 percent of its income, and the poorest urban household gains equal to about 140 percent of its income.
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Le 6 janvier 2021, une foule envahit l'enceinte du Congrès américain où représentants et sénateurs vérifient la validation de l'élection présidentielle. Cette insurrection effrénée et sans repères n'a rien aboli, rien créé, rien obtenu. Mais elle a frappé de stupeur et continue de hanter une Amérique plus que jamais "divisée contre elle-même". Au miroir de cet événement chaotique, ce livre interroge plusieurs tendances à l'oeuvre au sein de la démocratie américaine. Une polarisation partisane et identitaire qui rend une partie de l'Amérique étrangère à l'autre. La désintégration des normes héritées, des conventions et des usages qui ont longtemps gouverné la vie publique. Le rôle aussi de la post-vérité - et de la présidence Trump en particulier - dans l'escalade de la guerre culturelle à laquelle se livrent les Américains. Ou encore la convergence des extrêmes, "wokisme" et populisme, qui défient de conserve la démocratie au nom de ses propres principes. Aujourd'hui comme hier, c'est en Amérique que ces ferments corrosifs se donnent le mieux à observer, dans le chaudron des passions qui agitent cette nation hospitalière aux expériences que les progrès de l'égalité ne cessent de suggérer à l'imagination. Les problèmes qui affectent notre démocratie sont, pour certains, de nature comparable, assez en tout cas pour qu'on veuille rechercher, à la faveur de l'émeute du 6 janvier, ce que l'Amérique peut encore nous apprendre sur nous-mêmes.
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Sociolinguistics --- English language --- Grammar --- Dialectology --- Black English --- Speech and social status --- Urban dialects --- Dialects --- Verb --- Amerikaans Engelse taal --- etnische groepen --- sociolinguïstische studies --- sociolinguïstische studies. --- Etnische groepen --- Sociolinguïstische studies. --- Black English - Washington (DC) --- English language - Dialects - Washington, DC --- Speech and social status - Washington, DC --- Urban dialects - Washington (DC) --- English language - Verb
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