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Estimates of the extent of corruption rely largely on self-reports of individuals, business managers, and government officials. Yet it is well known that survey respondents are reticent to tell the truth about activities to which social and legal stigma are attached, implying a downward bias in survey-based estimates of corruption. This paper develops a method to estimate the prevalence of reticent behavior, in order to isolate rates of corruption that fully reflect respondent reticence in answering sensitive questions. The method is based on a statistical model of how respondents behave when answering a combination of conventional and random-response survey questions. The responses to these different types of questions reflect three probabilities-that the respondent has done the sensitive act in question, that the respondent exhibits reticence in answering sensitive questions, and that a reticent respondent is not candid in answering any specific sensitive question. These probabilities can be estimated using a method-of-moments estimator. Evidence from the 2010 World Bank Enterprise survey in Peru suggests reticence-adjusted estimates of corruption that are roughly twice as large as indicated by responses to standard questions. Reticence-adjusted estimates of corruption are also substantially higher in a set of ten Asian countries covered in the Gallup World Poll.
Corruption --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Random response questions --- Reticence
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Estimates of the extent of corruption rely largely on self-reports of individuals, business managers, and government officials. Yet it is well known that survey respondents are reticent to tell the truth about activities to which social and legal stigma are attached, implying a downward bias in survey-based estimates of corruption. This paper develops a method to estimate the prevalence of reticent behavior, in order to isolate rates of corruption that fully reflect respondent reticence in answering sensitive questions. The method is based on a statistical model of how respondents behave when answering a combination of conventional and random-response survey questions. The responses to these different types of questions reflect three probabilities-that the respondent has done the sensitive act in question, that the respondent exhibits reticence in answering sensitive questions, and that a reticent respondent is not candid in answering any specific sensitive question. These probabilities can be estimated using a method-of-moments estimator. Evidence from the 2010 World Bank Enterprise survey in Peru suggests reticence-adjusted estimates of corruption that are roughly twice as large as indicated by responses to standard questions. Reticence-adjusted estimates of corruption are also substantially higher in a set of ten Asian countries covered in the Gallup World Poll.
Corruption --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Random response questions --- Reticence
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La vaccination de masse a réussi à juguler, voire à éradiquer, certaines maladies. Pourtant, même quand l'efficacité de la vaccination est avérée, de nombreuses personnes n'y recourent pas. De la simple passivité à un refus délibéré, parfois claironné publiquement, on trouve une vaste gamme d'attitudes, regroupées sous le vocable « d'hésitation vaccinale ». Cet ouvrage s'intéresse aux personnes qui adoptent cette attitude. Il commence par en dresser un portrait général : y a-t-il certaines caractéristiques sociales ou démographiques qui distinguent ces personnes ? Il se penche ensuite sur les facteurs psychologiques qui peuvent expliquer cette attitude, en examinant notamment la dimension motivationnelle et les facteurs cognitifs. Il envisage ensuite certaines croyances et idéologies susceptibles d'alimenter l'hésitation vaccinale, et s'attarde plus longuement sur une série de biais de raisonnement fréquemment invoqués à cet égard. Dans la section suivante, il analyse les facteurs psychosociaux, c'est-à-dire les causes liées au contexte social dans lequel évoluent les hésitants et aux appartenances revendiquées par ces derniers. C'est dans ce cadre qu'il s'intéresse notamment au complotisme et à la confiance dans les institutions. Enfin dans la dernière partie, il envisage les moyens de lutte contre l'hésitation vaccinale et les méthodes les plus efficaces pour augmenter la couverture vaccinale auprès des populations réticentes.
Vaccination --- Anti-vaccination movement --- Vaccine hesitancy --- Health --- Psychological aspects. --- Psychological aspects --- Réticence à la vaccination --- Anti-Vaccination Movement --- Mouvements anti-vaccination. --- Antivaccinalisme. --- psychology. --- Psychologie.
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Narration --- Téléphone --- La salle de bain --- La réticence --- Autoportrait (à l'étranger) --- La vérité sur Marie --- Monsieur --- L'appareil-photo --- La télévision --- Faire l'amour --- Fuir --- La mélancolie de Zidane --- L'urgence et la patience --- Echecs --- Je --- Toussaint, Jean-Philippe
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L'article concernant Jean-Philippe Toussaint et Georges Simenon est décrit à la référence ML 13871/0001.
Lieux --- Imaginaire --- Economie --- Terminologie --- Géographie --- Port --- Littérature --- Géopoétique --- Le Port des brumes --- La réticence --- La San Felice --- France --- Italie --- Naples --- Pouilles --- Trieste --- Egypte --- Alexandrie --- Simenon, Georges --- Toussaint, Jean-Philippe --- Dumas, Alexandre --- Suarès, André
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An updated edition showcasing the social health of the least religious nations in the worldReligious conservatives around the world often claim that a society without a strong foundation of faith would necessarily be an immoral one, bereft of ethics, values, and meaning. Indeed, the Christian Right in the United States has argued that a society without God would be hell on earth.In Society without God, Second Edition sociologist Phil Zuckerman challenges these claims. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews with more than 150 citizens of Denmark and Sweden, among the least religious countries in the world, he shows that, far from being inhumane, crime-infested, and dysfunctional, highly secular societies are healthier, safer, greener, less violent, and more democratic and egalitarian than highly religious ones.Society without God provides a rich portrait of life in a secular society, exploring how a culture without faith copes with death, grapples with the meaning of life, and remains content through everyday ups and downs. This updated edition incorporates new data from recent studies, updated statistics, and a revised Introduction, as well as framing around the now more highly developed field of secular studies. It addresses the dramatic surge of irreligion in the United States and the rise of the "nones," and adds data on societal health in specific US states, along with fascinating context regarding which are the most religious and which the most secular.
Well-being. --- Values Voters. --- Utter obliviousness. --- United States. --- Sweden. --- Sociological Theories. --- Societal Well-being. --- Secularization. --- Secularity. --- Secularism. --- Secular. --- Secular Studies. --- Scandinavian society. --- Scandinavia. --- Rituals. --- Reticence. --- Reluctance. --- Religious People. --- Religious Belief. --- Religion. --- Meaning of Life. --- Jews. --- International Comparisons. --- George W. Bush. --- Denmark. --- Death. --- Danish history. --- Danish culture. --- Cultural Religion. --- Apostasy;Asatru;Atheism;Belief;Benign indifference;Christianity. --- Apostasy. --- Asatru. --- Atheism. --- Belief. --- Benign indifference. --- Christianity.
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