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Criminology Explains Police Violence offers a concise and targeted overview of criminological theory applied to the phenomenon of police violence. In this engaging and accessible book, Philip M. Stinson, Sr. highlights the similarities and differences among criminological theories, and provides linkages across explanatory levels and across time and geography to explain police violence. This book is appropriate as a resource in criminology, policing, and criminal justice special topic courses, as well as a variety of violence and police courses such as policing, policing administration, police-community relations, police misconduct, and violence in society. Stinson uses examples from his own research to explore police violence, acknowledging the difficulty in studying the topic because violence is often seen as a normal part of policing.
Police brutality --- cops. --- criminal justice. --- criminological theories. --- criminological theory. --- criminology. --- explaining police violence. --- phenomenon of police violence. --- police community relations. --- police misconduct. --- police officers. --- police violence. --- policing administration. --- policing. --- special topic courses. --- violence and police courses. --- violence in society.
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Jugendliche of Color sind auch in Deutschland von Racial Profiling und Polizeigewalt betroffen. Welche Erfahrungen machen sie mit diesen Praktiken? Wie erlangen sie ihre Handlungsfähigkeit zurück? Und welche Maßnahmen können sie ergreifen, um die Verhältnisse zu verbessern? Markus Textor bietet Antworten auf diese Fragen, indem er Licht auf ein national wie international schwach erforschtes Feld wirft. Durch qualitative Analysen zeigt er empirisch auf, dass Racial Profiling als rassistische Diskriminierungspraxis zu begreifen ist - und stößt so nicht nur theoretische Debatten in den Erziehungs-, Sozial- und Politikwissenschaften an, sondern macht diese auch für die sozialarbeiterische Praxis zugänglich.
SOCIAL SCIENCE / Discrimination & Race Relations. --- Adolescents. --- Agency. --- Discrimination. --- Police Violence. --- Police. --- Political Ideologies. --- Racism. --- Social Pedagogy. --- Sociology. --- Violence.
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"In 2015, Chicago became the first city in the United States to create a reparations fund for victims of police torture, after investigations revealed that former Chicago police commander Jon Burge tortured numerous suspects in the 1970s, '80s, and '90s. But claims of police torture have even deeper roots in Chicago. In the late 19th century, suspects maintained that Chicago police officers put them in sweatboxes or held them incommunicado until they confessed to crimes they had not committed. In the first decades of the 20th century, suspects and witnesses stated that they admitted guilt only because Chicago officers beat them, threatened them, and subjected them to "sweatbox methods." Those claims continued into the 1960s. In Robert Nixon and Police Torture in Chicago, 1871-1971, Elizabeth Dale uncovers the lost history of police torture in Chicago between the Chicago Fire and 1971, tracing the types of torture claims made in cases across that period. To show why the criminal justice system failed to adequately deal with many of those allegations of police torture, Dale examines one case in particular, the 1938 trial of Robert Nixon for murder. Nixon's case is famous for being the basis for the novel Native Son, by Richard Wright. Dale considers the part of Nixon's account that Wright left out of his story: Nixon's claims that he confessed after being strung up by his wrists and beaten and the legal system's treatment of those claims. This original study will appeal to scholars and students interested in the history of criminal justice, and general readers interested in Midwest history, criminal cases, and the topic of police torture"--
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"Situating Turkish counterinsurgent policing within a global context of Cold War counterinsurgencies that inform current security practices and combining archival work and oral history with ethnographic research in Istanbul's dissident working-class neighborhoods, the book sheds light on counterinsurgency's provocative, affect generating, divisive techniques and urban dimensions"--
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En 1685, le Code noir défendait "aux esclaves de porter aucune arme offensive ni de gros bâtons" sous peine de fouet. Au XIXe siècle, en Algérie, l'Etat colonial interdisait les armes aux indigènes, tout en accordant aux colons le droit de s'armer. Aujourd'hui, certaines vies comptent si peu que l'on peut tirer dans le dos d'un adolescent noir au prétexte qu'il était "menaçant". Une ligne de partage oppose historiquement les corps "dignes d'être défendus" à ceux qui, désarmés ou rendus indéfendables, sont laissés sans défense. Ce "désarmement" organisé des subalternes pose directement, pour tout élan de libération, la question du recours à la violence pour sa propre défense. Des résistances esclaves au ju-jitsu des suffragistes, de l'insurrection du ghetto de Varsovie aux Black Panthers ou aux patrouilles queer, Elsa Dorlin retrace une généalogie de l'autodéfense politique. Sous l'histoire officielle de la légitime défense affleurent des "éthiques martiales de soi ", pratiques ensevelies où le fait de se défendre en attaquant apparaît comme la condition de possibilité de sa survie comme de son devenir politique. Cette histoire de la violence éclaire la définition même de la subjectivité moderne, telle qu'elle est pensée dans et par les politiques de sécurité contemporaines, et implique une relecture critique de la philosophie politique, où Hobbes et Locke côtoient Frantz Fanon, Michel Foucault, Malcolm X, June Jordan ou Judith Butler
Essays --- Feminist criticism --- History --- Violence --- Colonialism --- Racism --- Slavery --- Women --- Self-defence --- Blackness --- Book --- Political violence --- Police violence --- Political philosophy --- Self-defense --- Government, Resistance to --- Violence politique --- Autodéfense --- Résistance au gouvernement --- Philosophy. --- History. --- Political aspects. --- Philisophie --- Philosophie --- Histoire --- Aspect politique
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"Some years-1789, 1929, 1989-change the world suddenly. Or do they? In 2020, a pandemic converged with an economic collapse, inequalities exploded, and institutions weakened. Yet these crises sprung not from new risks but known dangers. The world-like many patients-met 2020 with a host of preexisting conditions, which together tilted the odds toward disaster. Perhaps 2020 wasn't the year the world changed; perhaps it was simply the moment the world finally understood its deadly diagnosis. In The Long Year, some of the world's most incisive thinkers excavate 2020's buried crises, revealing how they must be confronted in order to achieve a more equal future. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor calls for the defunding of police and the refunding of communities; Keisha Blain demonstrates why the battle against racism must be global; and Adam Tooze reveals that COVID-19 hit hardest where inequality was already greatest and welfare states weakest. Yarimar Bonilla, Xiaowei Wang, Simon Balto, Marcia Chatelain, Gautam Bhan, Ananya Roy, and others offer insights from the factory farms of China to the elite resorts of France, the meatpacking plants of the Midwest to the overcrowded hospitals of India. The definitive guide to these ongoing catastrophes, The Long Year shows that only by exposing the roots and ramifications of 2020 can another such breakdown be prevented"--
Economic development --- Equality --- Police --- Racial justice. --- COVID-19 (Disease) --- Social aspects. --- Political aspects. --- Big Lie. --- Black Lives Matter. --- COVID-19. --- COVID. --- January 6. --- Trump. --- capitalism. --- democracy. --- election. --- inequality. --- injustice. --- pandemic. --- police violence. --- protest. --- social unrest.
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How does Martin Luther King, Jr., understand race philosophically and how did this understanding lead him to develop an ontological conception of racist police violence? In this important new work, Mark Christian Thompson attempts to answer these questions, examining ontology in Martin Luther King, Jr.'s philosophy. Specifically, the book reads King through 1920s German academic debates between Martin Heidegger, Rudolf Bultmann, Hans Jonas, Carl Schmitt, Eric Voegelin, Hannah Arendt, and others on Being, gnosticism, existentialism, political theology, and sovereignty. It further examines King's dissertation about Tillich, as well other key texts from his speculative writings, sermons, and speeches, positing King's understanding of divine love as a form of Heideggerian ontology articulated in beloved community. Tracking the presence of twentieth-century German philosophy and theology in his thought, the book situates King's ontology conceptually and socially in nonviolent protest. In so doing, The Critique of Nonviolence reads King's "Letter from a Birmingham Jail" (1963) with Walter Benjamin's "Critique of Violence" (1921) to reveal the depth of King's political-theological critique of police violence as the illegitimate appropriation of the racialized state of exception. As Thompson argues, it is in part through its appropriation of German philosophy and theology that King's ontology condemns the perpetual American state of racial exception that permits unlimited police violence against Black lives.
African American philosophy. --- African Americans --- Nonviolence --- Ontology. --- Philosophy, German. --- Race --- Civil rights. --- Philosophy. --- King, Martin Luther, --- Black power. --- German philosophy. --- Nonviolence. --- civil rights. --- gnosticism. --- ontology. --- police violence. --- political theology. --- theology.
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Of the twenty-three Brazilian policemen interviewed in depth for this landmark study, fourteen were direct perpetrators of torture and murder during the three decades that included the 1964-1985 military regime. These "violence workers" and the other group of "atrocity facilitators" who had not, or claimed they had not, participated directly in the violence, help answer questions that haunt today's world: Why and how are ordinary men transformed into state torturers and murderers? How do atrocity perpetrators explain and justify their violence? What is the impact of their murderous deeds-on them, on their victims, and on society? What memories of their atrocities do they admit and which become public history?
Torture --- Political atrocities --- Police brutality --- Atrocities --- Brutality by police --- Excessive force used by police --- Excessive use of force by police --- Police use of excessive force --- Use of excessive force by police --- Police misconduct --- Brutalités policières --- Atrocités politiques --- Police violence --- Violence --- 1980s. --- brazil. --- brazilian history. --- brazilian police. --- brazilian. --- contemporary. --- crime. --- criminals. --- cultural history. --- cultural studies. --- execution. --- government. --- masculinity. --- military history. --- military state. --- modern world. --- murder. --- police violence. --- power. --- public history. --- reconstruction. --- social history. --- social studies. --- south america. --- torture. --- world history.
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How do people respond to a state that is violent towards its own citizens? In this text, this question is answered by studying responses to police violence in Delhi and to army violence in the context of a secessionist movement in Assam. Evidence from both the field-sites indicates towards acceptance of the state, though it may be slow and flickering, based on own rationalities of the subjects or contextual.
Political violence --- Police brutality --- Democracy --- India --- Politics and government. --- Brutality by police --- Excessive force used by police --- Excessive use of force by police --- Police use of excessive force --- Use of excessive force by police --- Police misconduct --- Violence --- Political crimes and offenses --- Terrorism --- Police violence --- United Liberation Front of Assam. --- India. --- ULFA --- Ulaphā --- East India Company. --- Indian Army
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This work analyzes the interactions and international connections of the ""civil rights"" and ""pro-order"" coalitions of state and societal actors in the two countries. The author demonstrates that in democratizing contexts, protecting citizens from police abuse and becomes part of a debate about how to deal with issues of public safety and social control and of perceived trade-offs between liberty and security.
Human rights advocacy --- Police brutality --- Brutality by police --- Excessive force used by police --- Excessive use of force by police --- Police use of excessive force --- Use of excessive force by police --- Police misconduct --- Advocacy, Human rights --- Social advocacy --- National human rights institutions --- Police violence --- Violence
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