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Previous research proposes that peace is more likely to become durable if all rebel groups are included in the settlement reached. The argument implies that if actors are excluded and continue to pursue the military course, this could have a destabilizing effect on the actors that have signed an agreement. This article argues that all-inclusive peace deals - signed by the government and all rebel groups - are not the panacea for peace that many seem to believe. Given that the parties are strategic actors who are forward-looking when making their decisions, the signatories should anticipate that the excluded parties may continue to fight. Therefore, the risk of violent challenges from outside actors is likely to already be factored into the decision-making calculus when the signatories decide to reach a deal, and so does not affect their commitment to peace. Implications from this theoretical argument are tested using unique data on the conflict behavior of the government and each of the rebel groups in internal armed conflicts during the post-Cold War period. The results are well in line with the theoretical expectations and show that whether an agreement leaves out some actor does not affect whether the signatories stick to peace. The results demonstrate that even when excluded rebel groups engage in conflict, this does not affect the signatories' commitment to peace. Hence, the findings suggest that partial peace is possible.

Armed conflict --- Armed conflicts --- Civil War --- Civil wars --- Conflict --- Conflict and Development --- Conflict Research --- Peace --- Peace agreements --- Peace and Peacekeeping --- Post Conflict Reconstruction --- Post Conflict Reintegration --- Rebel --- Violence

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This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. This is the first book to situate the territories and collective identities of former Yugoslavia within the politics of race - not just ethnicity - and the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally. The book connects critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. In doing this, it considers the everyday geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity, nationhood and migration; transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement; and post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the present refugee crisis.

Globalization --- Ethnic studies --- Social theory --- Bosnian identity --- ethnic exclusivism --- ethnicity --- migration --- nationhood --- Non-Aligned Movement --- peace agreements --- postcolonial studies --- postsocialist studies --- race --- refugee crisis --- state socialism --- terrorism --- War on Terror --- Yugoslavia

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Earlier studies have shown that United Nations peace operations make a positive contribution to peacebuilding efforts after civil wars. But do these effects carry over to the period after the peacekeepers leave? And how do the effects of UN peace operations interact with other determinants of peacebuilding in the long run? The author addresses these questions using a revised version of the Doyle and Sambanis dataset and applying different estimation methods to estimate the short-term and long-term effects of UN peace missions. He finds that UN missions have robust, positive effects on peacebuilding in the short term. UN missions can help parties implement peace agreements but the UN cannot fight wars, and UN operations contribute more to the quality of the peace where peace is based on participation, than to the longevity of the peace, where peace is simply the absence of war. The effects of UN missions are also felt in the long run, but they dissipate over time. What is missing in UN peacebuilding is a strategy to foster the self-sustaining economic growth that could connect increased participation with sustainable peace.

Civil War --- Civil Wars --- Conflict --- Conflict and Development --- Conflict Resolution --- Conflicts --- Fighting --- Financial Support --- Health, Nutrition and Population --- International Affairs --- Nations --- Negotiation --- Observers --- Peace --- Peace Agreements --- Peace and Peacekeeping --- Peacebuilding --- Peacekeepers --- Population Policies --- Post Conflict Reconstruction --- Post Conflict Reintegration --- Sovereignty --- Trust --- United Nations Security Council --- University --- Violence --- War