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There is not yet consensus in the trade agreements literature as to whether preferential liberalization leads to more or less multilateral liberalization. However, research thus far has focused mostly on tariff measures of import protection. This paper develops more comprehensive measures of trade policy that include the temporary trade barrier policies of antidumping and safeguards. Studies in other contexts have also shown how these policies can erode some of the trade liberalization gains that arise when examining tariffs alone. This paper examines the experiences of Argentina and Brazil during the formation of the MERCOSUR over 1990-2001. The study finds that an exclusive focus on applied tariffs may lead to a mischaracterization of the relationship between preferential liberalization and liberalization toward non-member countries. First, any "building block" evidence that arises by focusing on tariffs during the period in which MERCOSUR was only a free trade area can disappear, once the analysis includes changes in import protection arise through temporary trade barriers. Furthermore, there is also evidence of a "stumbling block" effect of preferential tariff liberalization for the period in which MERCOSUR became a customs union, and this result tends to strengthen with the inclusion of temporary trade barriers. Finally, the paper provides a first empirical examination of whether market power motives can help explain the patterns of changes in import protection that are observed in these settings.
Antidumping --- Mfn --- Preferential Trade Agreements --- Safeguards --- Tariffs --- Temporary Trade Barriers
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This paper surveys empirically the broad features of trade policy in goods for 31 major economies that collectively represented 83 percent of the world's population and 91 percent of the world's GDP in 2013. It addresses the following five questions: Do some countries have more liberal trading regimes than others? Within countries, which industries receive the most import protection? How do trade policies change over time? Do countries discriminate among their trading partners when setting trade policy? Finally, how liberalized is world trade? The analysis documents the extent of cross-sectional heterogeneity in applied commercial policy across countries, their economic sectors, and their trading partners, over time. It concludes that substantial trade policy barriers remain as an important feature of the world economy.
Antidumping --- MFN --- Preferences --- Quotas --- Tariffs --- Temporary Trade Barriers
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Use of temporary trade barriers has proliferated across countries, industries, and even policy instruments. This paper constructs a panel of bilateral, product-level United States steel imports that are matched to a unique data set on trade policy exclusions that are associated with the 2002 United States steel safeguard in order to compare the trade impacts that result from application of various temporary trade barrier policies over 1989-2003. The analysis finds that the trade effects of an applied safeguard-which is statutorily expected to follow the principle of nondiscriminatory treatment-can nevertheless compare closely with the application of the explicitly discriminatory antidumping policy. The results on trade policy substitutability complement other recent research on these increasingly important forms of import protection.
Antidumping --- Countervailing duties --- Free Trade --- International Economics & Trade --- Markets and Market Access --- MFN --- Safeguards --- Temporary trade barriers --- Trade Law --- Trade Policy --- Water and Industry
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Suppose that when addressing the question of "what's left for the WTO?," tariff negotiators relied not on the agenda established in 2001 but instead on the terms-of-trade theory of trade agreements to identify negotiating priorities. This paper uses the lens of the terms-of-trade theory to investigate three areas in which it is frequently alleged that currently applied tariffs remain "too high"; the implication being that the WTO's job performance to date is incomplete. This includes applied tariffs for countries that are not members of the WTO, applied MFN tariffs for WTO members that are unbound, and applied MFN tariffs for WTO members set in the presence of large amounts of tariff binding overhang. These are almost exclusively the domain of developing countries' own trade policies and they are collectively important; 3.5 billion people currently live in countries in which the WTO has had minimal effect for one of these three reasons. This paper builds upon recent developments in the empirical literature to present evidence-some direct, some indirect-that sheds light on each area. It then identifies specific needs for additional research to clarify policy implications for the future role of the WTO in the ever-changing international trading system.
Binding overhang --- Developing countries --- Economic theory & research --- Free trade --- International economics & trade --- Law and development --- Macroeconomics and economic growth --- MFN --- Non-members --- Tariff bindings --- Tariff liberalization --- Trade & services --- Trade law --- World trade organization --- WTO
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World trade is increasingly ruled by preferential trade agreements (PTAs), but their precise nature remains relatively opaque. This paper assesses a central dimension of these agreements, the significance of tariff preferences, using a new data set on preferential and non-preferential or Most Favored Nation (MFN) applied tariffs, constructed by the International Trade Center and the World Bank. The data set covers 5,203 products, 199 reporters, and 239 partners, representing approximately 97 percent of world imports in 2016. There are three main findings. First, PTAs have significantly widened the scope of tariff-free trade. Whereas 42 percent of the total value of trade traded free under MFN rates in 2016, PTAs have fully liberalized an additional 28 percent of global trade. Second, the extent of preferential liberalization varies significantly across countries and sectors. Around 70 percent of countries have reduced trade-weighted average preferential tariffs to less than 5 percent, but PTAs have not been able to eliminate the high levels of protection in some low-income countries and in agricultural products, textiles, and footwear. Third, while the average preferential margin for trade covered by PTAs is low because one-fifth of world trade under preferential agreements is already duty free, more than a quarter of world trade is subject to an average preference margin of 7.4 percent. Considering competition from preferential and non-preferential sources, however, only 5.2 percent of global exports benefited from a preferential advantage of over 5 percent and only 3.3 percent of global exports suffered from a preferential disadvantage higher than 5 percent. Furthermore, data for a subsample of importers reveal that not all eligible imports take advantage of preferences, because of impediments such as restrictive rules of origin, and therefore actual preference margins are generally lower than potential margins.
Business Cycles and Stabilization Policies --- Coastal and Marine Resources --- Common Carriers Industry --- Construction Industry --- Energy --- Energy and Natural Resources --- Food and Beverage Industry --- General Manufacturing --- Industry --- International Economics and Trade --- International Trade and Trade Rules --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- MFN --- Most Favored Nation --- Plastics and Rubber Industry --- Pulp and Paper Industry --- Regionalism --- Tariffs --- Textiles Apparel and Leather Industry --- Trade Agreements --- Transport --- Water Resources
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