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La question de la faim dans le monde reste lancinante. Les émeutes du printemps 2008 lui ont donné une actualité brûlante. Pourtant, dès l'automne de la même année, le retour des bonnes récoltes et la crise financière des pays riches faisaient de nouveau passer au second plan le scandale de la faim. Ce n'est en effet que lorsque le monde craint de manquer de nourriture qu'il se préoccupe de la production alimentaire. Que les récoltes soient bonnes, et les préoccupations quotidiennes reprennent le dessus : faire rouler les voitures ( agrocarburants ), produire en masse pour l'industrie agroalimentaire ( OGM ), se débarrasser des excédents qui font chuter les prix en les bradant sur les marchés mondiaux... La faim silencieuse, celle des pauvres, est de nouveau oubliée. Dans les situations de guerre, ce sont les mouvements caritatifs qui prennent en charge les affamés. Dans les situations de paix, rares sont ceux qui se préoccupent des malnutris. Pire encore : la nouvelle religion du développement durable, en mettant l'accent sur l'idée que les ressources sont limitées, légitime l'indifférence à leur égard. Comme s'il fallait de toute façon des régulateurs pour alléger une planète présentée comme surpeuplée. Pourtant, il est possible de nourrir le monde. II est possible de vaincre la faim.

Food supply --- Sustainable agriculture --- Famines --- Food riots --- Aliments --- Agriculture durable --- Emeutes de la faim --- Approvisionnement --- Food Supply --- Food relief

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April 2000 - By gradually reducing the number of subsidized foods, and by focusing subsidies on foods consumed more by the poor than by the rich - like coarse baladi bread - Egyptian policymakers have found a way to self-target food subsidies to the urban poor. Yet because the rural poor do not consume as much baladi bread, this system is not as well-targeted to the rural poor. The Egyptian food subsidy system is an untargeted system that is essentially open to all Egyptians. For this reason, the budgetary costs of this system have been high and the ability of this system to improve the welfare status of the poor has been questioned. Since the food riots of 1977, Egyptian policymakers have been reluctant to make large changes in their food subsidy system. Rather, their strategy has been to reduce the costs and coverage of this system gradually. For example, since 1980 policymakers have reduced the number of subsidized foods from 20 to just four. Despite these cutbacks, Adams uses new 1997 household survey data to show that the Egyptian food subsidy system is self-targeted to the poor, because it subsidizes inferior goods. In urban Egypt, for instance, the main subsidized food - coarse baladi bread - is consumed more by the poor (the lowest quintile group of the population) than by the rich (the highest quintile). So subsidizing baladi bread is a good way of improving the welfare status of the urban poor. But in rural Egypt where the poor do not consume so much baladi bread, the poor receive less in income transfers than the rich. In many countries, administrative targeting of food subsidies can do a better job of targeting the poor than self-targeting systems. In Jamaica, for example, poor people get food stamps at health clinics, so the Jamaican poor receive double the income transfers from food subsidies that the Egyptian poor receive. But starting a comparable system in Egypt would be costly both in financial and political terms, because many nonpoor households currently receiving food subsidies would have to be excluded. For these reasons, it is likely that the government will continue to refine the present food subsidy system, perhaps by eliminating current subsidies on sugar or edible oil. Neither of these foods is an inferior good, so eliminating these subsidies will have only a minimal impact on the welfare status of the poor. This paper - a product of the Poverty Division, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network - is part of a larger effort in the network to identify the impact of transfer programs on the urban and rural poor. The author may be contacted at radams@worldbank.org.

Agriculture --- Basic Foods --- Bread --- Cigarettes --- Eggs --- Food --- Food Aid --- Food and Beverage Industry --- Food Imports --- Food Rationing --- Food Riots --- Food Subsidies --- Food Subsidy --- Food Subsidy Programs --- Frozen Fish --- Frozen Me Rice --- Industry --- Sugar --- Tea --- Whe Wheat Flour

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Close to three hundred stores and supermarkets were looted during week-long food riots in Argentina in December 2001. Thirty-four people were reported dead and hundreds were injured. Among the looting crowds, activists from the Peronist party (the main political party in the country) were quite prominent. During the lootings, police officers were conspicuously absent - particularly when small stores were sacked. Through a combination of archival research, statistical analysis, multi-sited fieldwork, and taking heed of the perspective of contentious politics, this book provides an analytic description of the origins, course, meanings, and outcomes of the December 2001 wave of lootings in Argentina.

Food riots --- Pillage --- Violence --- Political violence --- Peronism. --- Law enforcement --- Emeutes de la faim --- Violence politique --- Péronisme --- Lois --- Application --- Partido Peronista (Argentina) --- Enforcement of law --- Criminal justice, Administration of --- Justicialism --- Fascism --- Political crimes and offenses --- Terrorism --- Violent behavior --- Social psychology --- Looting --- Plundering --- Sack (Pillage) --- Military offenses --- Robbery --- War crimes --- Bread riots --- Riots --- Peronist Party (Argentina) --- PP --- Policing --- Social Sciences --- Political Science

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Thousands of people in dozens of countries took to the streets when world food prices spiked in 2008 and 2011. What does the persistence of popular mobilization around food tell us about the politics of subsistence in an era of integrated food markets and universal human rights? This book interrogates this period of historical rupture in the global system of subsistence, getting behind the headlines and inside the politics of food for people on low incomes. The half decade of 2007-2012 was a period of intensely volatile food prices as well as unusual levels of popular mobilization, including protests and riots. Detailed case studies are included here from Bangladesh, Cameroon, India, Kenya and Mozambique. The case studies illustrate that political cultures and ways of organizing around food share much across geography and history, indicating common characteristics of the popular politics of provisions under capitalism. However, all politics are ultimately local, and it is demonstrated how the historic fallout of a subsistence crisis depends ultimately on how the actors and institutions articulate, negotiate and reassert their specific claims within the peculiarities of each policy. A key conclusion of the book is that the politics of provisions remain essential to the right to food and that they involve unruliness. In other words, food riots work. The book explains how and why they continue to do so even in the globalized food system of the 21st century. Food riots signal a state unable to meet a principal condition of its social contract, and create powerful pressure to address that most fundamental of failings.

Food riots --- Right to food. --- Food supply --- History --- Government policy. --- Food control --- Produce trade --- Agriculture --- Food security --- Single cell proteins --- Food, Right to --- Human rights --- Bread riots --- Riots --- Alex Shankland --- Anuradha Joshi --- Biraj Patnaik --- Bonface Omondi --- Celestine Nyamu Musembi --- crisis --- Devangana Kalita --- Dipa Sinha --- Egídio Chaimite --- economy --- Ferdous Jahan --- global --- Lauren Sneyd --- Lucio Posse --- Luís de Brito --- Michael Sambo --- Muhammad Ashikur Rahman --- moral --- Patta Scott-Villiers --- regime --- Sara Burke --- security --- Vaibhav Raaj