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Autonomy (Philosophy). --- Democracy. --- Demokrati. --- Economic security. --- Equality. --- Frihet. --- Human security. --- Jämlikhet. --- Liberty. --- Mänsklig säkerhet.

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Since the financial meltdown of 2008, political protests have spread around the world like chain lightning, from the "Occupy" movements of the United States, Great Britain, and Spain to more destabilizing forms of unrest in Tunisia, Egypt, Russia, Thailand, Bulgaria, Turkey, and Ukraine. In Democracy Disrupted: The Politics of Global Protest, commentator and political scientist Ivan Krastev proposes a provocative interpretation of these popular uprisings-one with ominous implications for the future of democratic politics.Challenging theories that trace the protests to the rise of a global middle class, Krastev proposes that the insurrections express a pervasive distrust of democratic institutions. Protesters on the streets of Moscow, Sofia, Istanbul, and São Paulo are openly suspicious of both the market and the state. They reject established political parties, question the motives of the mainstream media, refuse to recognize the legitimacy of any specific leadership, and reject all formal organizations. They have made clear what they don't want-the status quo-but they have no positive vision of an alternative future.Welcome to the worldwide libertarian revolution, in which democracy is endlessly disrupted to no end beyond the disruption itself.

Social change --- Political systems --- Protest movements. --- Democracy. --- 214 Parlement --- Self-government --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- Social movements --- Demokrati --- Proteströrelser --- Protest movements --- Demokrati. --- Proteströrelser. --- Democracy --- Political Science. --- Public Policy.

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Crick argues that democracy is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for good government, and that ideas of the rule of law, and of human rights, should in some situations limit democratic claims.

Democracy. --- Democracy --- Self-government --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- History. --- demokrati --- politikk --- historie --- Démocratie --- Histoire --- Democracy - History

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The 2016 presidential election campaign and its aftermath have underscored worrisome trends in the present state of our democracy: the extreme polarization of the electorate, the dismissal of people with opposing views, and the widespread acceptance and circulation of one-sided and factually erroneous information. Only a small proportion of those who are eligible actually vote, and a declining number of citizens actively participate in local community activities. In Flunking Democracy, Michael A. Rebell makes the case that this is not a recent problem, but rather that for generations now, America's schools have systematically failed to prepare students to be capable citizens. Rebell analyzes the causes of this failure, provides a detailed analysis of what we know about how to prepare students for productive citizenship, and considers examples of best practices. Rebell further argues that this civic decline is also a legal failure-a gross violation of both federal and state constitutions that can only be addressed by the courts. Flunking Democracy concludes with specific recommendations for how the courts can and should address this deficiency, and is essential reading for anyone interested in education, the law, and democratic society.

Civics --- Courts --- Judicial process --- Study and teaching --- Law and legislation --- Social aspects --- demokrati --- rettssystemer --- lover --- lovgivning --- juridiske prosesser --- sosiale aspekter --- borgerdeltakelse --- opplæring --- undervisning --- USA

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Why do democracies win wars? This is a critical question in the study of international relations, as a traditional view--expressed most famously by Alexis de Tocqueville--has been that democracies are inferior in crafting foreign policy and fighting wars. In Democracies at War, the first major study of its kind, Dan Reiter and Allan Stam come to a very different conclusion. Democracies tend to win the wars they fight--specifically, about eighty percent of the time. Complementing their wide-ranging case-study analysis, the authors apply innovative statistical tests and new hypotheses. In unusually clear prose, they pinpoint two reasons for democracies' success at war. First, as elected leaders understand that losing a war can spell domestic political backlash, democracies start only those wars they are likely to win. Secondly, the emphasis on individuality within democratic societies means that their soldiers fight with greater initiative and superior leadership. Surprisingly, Reiter and Stam find that it is neither economic muscle nor bandwagoning between democratic powers that enables democracies to win wars. They also show that, given societal consent, democracies are willing to initiate wars of empire or genocide. On the whole, they find, democracies' dependence on public consent makes for more, rather than less, effective foreign policy. Taking a fresh approach to a question that has long merited such a study, this book yields crucial insights on security policy, the causes of war, and the interplay between domestic politics and international relations.

Democracy --- War --- Démocratie --- Guerre --- Democracy. --- War. --- Démocratie --- Armed conflict (War) --- Conflict, Armed (War) --- Fighting --- Hostilities --- Wars --- Self-government --- International relations --- Military art and science --- Peace --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- Demokrati --- Krig --- Sikkerhedspolitik