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The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as the centre of gravity of global military competition, economic growth, and technological innovation. Whatever happens in the Indo-Pacific is likely to have a pervasive impact on the structure and future of international order, and the norms and institutions Europeans hold so dear. Moreover, as the war in Ukraine shows, Indo-Pacific actors like China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, or Australia can have an impact on European security dynamics. Europe’s growing attention to the Indo-Pacific is therefore explained by both the region’s centrality in global politics and its increasing relevance to European geopolitics. In recent years, several European countries have begun to devise strategies towards the Indo-Pacific region, and to strengthen their presence therein. Such moves are welcome. However, Europeans’ ability to exercise a meaningful impact on the Indo-Pacific will depend to a large extent on coordination, not least in the framework of the European Union, which can bring to bear critical mass and an extensive suite of capabilities in key areas, including trade, technology, but also, potentially, security, and defence. Taking the 2021 Joint Communication for the EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific as a point of departure, this study outlines a vision for the EU’s approach to the Indo-Pacific in the area of security and defence, focusing on three concrete areas: maritime security, non-proliferation, and hybrid threats. Going forward, a key challenge for the EU will be to reconcile its traditional commitment to cooperation and multilateralism with the reality of growing geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific, and the increasing relevance of exclusive formats of cooperation, which often coalesce around the United States and China. In this regard, it is necessary to understand how the Union’s approaches to cooperation can adapt to and take advantage of emerging trends in security and defence multilateralism (or lack thereof) in the Indo-Pacific region. The study poses three questions: 1) How can meeting the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategic objectives in security and defence help the Union’s multilateral agenda in the region? 2) Are there any trade-offs between pursuing the EU’s interests in these policy areas with the expressed objective of promoting multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific? and 3) What is the future of multilateralism in the region when seen through the prism of security and defence? In what ways may the EU have to adapt its approach? The analysis results in 20 specific recommendations. It urges the Union to increase its presence in the Indo-Pacific by enhancing its physical presence in the Korean Peninsula to combat proliferation, deploying as part of Free of Navigation Operations in the region, developing naval capabilities and strategic enablers, conducting naval exercises with partners in new areas and supporting nuclear safeguard initiatives. The study recommends that the EU plan for the future by looking at increasing the Coordinated Maritime Presence to the South-East Asia and North-East Asia regions, and planning for how the European Peace Facility could be used in a Taiwan contingency. Clearly, the EU needs to ensure coherence between various initiatives such as creating continuity between the Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and the forthcoming revision of the EU Maritime Security Strategy. However, the Union urgently needs to strengthen its role in multilateral and minilateral fora including by both developing relations with the Quad and continuing to raise security and defence issues through the ASEAN Regional Forum. Additionally, the study recommends that the EU organise an annual ministerial meeting with Indo-Pacific states. The EU also needs to work with partners to build capacity in the areas of countering seaborne crime; illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing; and hybrid threats, as well as supporting law enforcement and border management initiatives. Such efforts can be complemented by military-educational exchanges between military staff in the region and partners from the Indo-Pacific should be invited to mutually develop and participate in tabletop exercises for crisis response in the region.
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The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as the centre of gravity of global military competition, economic growth, and technological innovation. Whatever happens in the Indo-Pacific is likely to have a pervasive impact on the structure and future of international order, and the norms and institutions Europeans hold so dear. Moreover, as the war in Ukraine shows, Indo-Pacific actors like China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, or Australia can have an impact on European security dynamics. Europe’s growing attention to the Indo-Pacific is therefore explained by both the region’s centrality in global politics and its increasing relevance to European geopolitics. In recent years, several European countries have begun to devise strategies towards the Indo-Pacific region, and to strengthen their presence therein. Such moves are welcome. However, Europeans’ ability to exercise a meaningful impact on the Indo-Pacific will depend to a large extent on coordination, not least in the framework of the European Union, which can bring to bear critical mass and an extensive suite of capabilities in key areas, including trade, technology, but also, potentially, security, and defence. Taking the 2021 Joint Communication for the EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific as a point of departure, this study outlines a vision for the EU’s approach to the Indo-Pacific in the area of security and defence, focusing on three concrete areas: maritime security, non-proliferation, and hybrid threats. Going forward, a key challenge for the EU will be to reconcile its traditional commitment to cooperation and multilateralism with the reality of growing geopolitical competition in the Indo-Pacific, and the increasing relevance of exclusive formats of cooperation, which often coalesce around the United States and China. In this regard, it is necessary to understand how the Union’s approaches to cooperation can adapt to and take advantage of emerging trends in security and defence multilateralism (or lack thereof) in the Indo-Pacific region. The study poses three questions: 1) How can meeting the EU’s Indo-Pacific strategic objectives in security and defence help the Union’s multilateral agenda in the region? 2) Are there any trade-offs between pursuing the EU’s interests in these policy areas with the expressed objective of promoting multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific? and 3) What is the future of multilateralism in the region when seen through the prism of security and defence? In what ways may the EU have to adapt its approach? The analysis results in 20 specific recommendations. It urges the Union to increase its presence in the Indo-Pacific by enhancing its physical presence in the Korean Peninsula to combat proliferation, deploying as part of Free of Navigation Operations in the region, developing naval capabilities and strategic enablers, conducting naval exercises with partners in new areas and supporting nuclear safeguard initiatives. The study recommends that the EU plan for the future by looking at increasing the Coordinated Maritime Presence to the South-East Asia and North-East Asia regions, and planning for how the European Peace Facility could be used in a Taiwan contingency. Clearly, the EU needs to ensure coherence between various initiatives such as creating continuity between the Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and the forthcoming revision of the EU Maritime Security Strategy. However, the Union urgently needs to strengthen its role in multilateral and minilateral fora including by both developing relations with the Quad and continuing to raise security and defence issues through the ASEAN Regional Forum. Additionally, the study recommends that the EU organise an annual ministerial meeting with Indo-Pacific states. The EU also needs to work with partners to build capacity in the areas of countering seaborne crime; illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing; and hybrid threats, as well as supporting law enforcement and border management initiatives. Such efforts can be complemented by military-educational exchanges between military staff in the region and partners from the Indo-Pacific should be invited to mutually develop and participate in tabletop exercises for crisis response in the region.
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L'Union européenne de la défense, qui se construit depuis quelques années dans un contexte sécuritaire préoccupant, dépend du droit de l'Union, c'est-à dire tant des règles fixées par les États membres dans les traités que de celles adoptées par les institutions européennes. En effet, l'Union européenne de la défense ne se limite plus à la très intergouvernementale politique de sécurité et de défense commune (PSDC). Elle l'englobe et la dépasse, pour s'étendre au domaine dit « communautaire » ou « supranational » dont la défense a pourtant longtemps été exclue.
common security and defence policy. --- European defence policy. --- EU Member State. --- Treaty on European. --- European treaties. --- EAEC Treaty. --- commentary on a law.
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defence policy --- military --- security environment --- armed forces --- military operations --- armed conflicts
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national security --- military studies --- intelligence studies --- defence policy --- international security --- internal security
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Security, International --- Peace --- Europe --- Europe. --- Military --- Defenses --- international security. --- peace. --- defence policy. --- Military readiness. --- Peace. --- Security, International.
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"The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in the European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which have been described as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all the major relevant factors identified here (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence-spending decline) that contributed to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through an historical and empirical analysis, and the relationship between the CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of the CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support the CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical examination of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in this sector facilitated the emergence of the CSDP and are therefore analysed in the light of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact. This book will be of interest to students of European security, EU politics, defence studies and IR"--
Security, International --- National security --- International cooperation. --- Common Security and Defence Policy. --- European Union countries --- Military policy. --- Defenses.
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"It is now commonly asserted that climate change will fundamentally change international relations. It has been predicted that global warming will increase conflict within and between states, intensify food insecurity, menace the global trading system and unleash waves of migration. As a result governments are beginning to incorporate these warnings into their foreign policy initiatives. The appropriateness of their incipient responses needs to be examined in finer detail. This book looks at the impact of climate change on European Union (EU) security policy. It explores how governments are reconfiguring their geo-strategy and broader international relations in the wake of climate change warnings. The book demonstrates that although many aspects of EU foreign policies have begun to change, 'climate security' is not yet accorded unequivocal or sufficient priority. In doing so, Youngs argues that if climate change policies are to have significant effect they can no longer be treated as a separate area of policy but must be incorporated into the more mainstream debates pertinent to EU common foreign and security policy (CFSP). This book will be of key interest to students, scholars and practitioners of climate change and policy, energy and environmental policy, EU governance and foreign policy, European studies, international relations, geography, security studies/policy and environmental economics"--
National security --- Climatic changes --- Global warming --- Political aspects --- Common Security and Defence Policy. --- European Union countries --- Foreign relations.
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Le domaine de l'information et de la communication en matiere de securite et de defense reste un sujet complexe et delicat. La relation entre decideurs, medias et opinion publique nationale doit etre analysee en tenant compte des professionnels du message venant de l'UE et de l'OTAN. Les contributions empiriques rapportees dans cet ouvrage permettent d'eclairer quelque peu les differentes facettes de cette relation. Il s'agit ici d'interroger l'espace belge mais egalement les pays frontaliers - France, Royaume-Uni, Allemagne, Pays-Bas et Luxembourg - a travers l'examen de la visibilite des or
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Presenting an analytical overview of the legal foundations of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy, this book provides a detailed examination of the legal framework and problems faced by the EU's security policy.
National security --- European Security and Defense Policy. --- Common Security and Defence Policy. --- European Union countries --- Foreign relations --- Law and legislation. --- Defenses. --- Common Security and Defense Policy --- CSDP --- European Security and Defense Policy --- Common Foreign and Security Policy --- ESDP --- ESVP --- Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik --- European Security and Defence Policy --- European Union. --- Gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik --- GSVP --- PESD --- Politique européenne de sécurité et de défense --- Common Security and Defence Policy --- EU countries --- Euroland --- Europe
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