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The promotion of 'democracy' abroad has been a feature of US foreign policy since the earlier part of the twentieth century, accompanying its rise as an international actor. It provided the ideological basis for its opposition to rivals in the form of imperialism, fascism and then communism. The end of the Cold War, which signalled the emergence of the US as the sole superpower, accelerated this process. With the ideological fusion of democracy and capitalism credited in large measure for the defeat of communism and the state-planned economy, the promotion of democracy alongside capitalism as the only viable, legitimate mode of governance emerged as an increasingly important component of US foreign policy. Countries as diverse as the Philippines, Chine and Poland have all been subject to US democracy promotion initiatives. In the Middle East though, the US traditionally engaged authoritarian governments as a means of ensuring its core interests in the region. However the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the G.W. Bush administration's perception of the Middle East's 'democratic deficit' as the underlying cause, initiated a significant departure in the traditional direction of US foreign policy. Democracy promotion subsequently emerged as a central tenet of US policy to the Middle East. This book argues that, as part of the strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East, the US has sought to gradually replace proxy authoritarian governments with elite-based democracies. From a neo-Gramscian perspective, this strategic shift can be seen as a move from coercive to consensual forms of social control, the underlying aim being to ensure a more enduring form of stability in the states concerned. This is part of a long-term US strategy, evidenced prior in other regions such as Latin America, which ultimately aims at the achievement of a Gramscian hegemony; that is the internalisation by other societies of the US's interpretation of 'democracy' as the natural order. Utilising an analytical framework derived from the neo-Gramscian approach, the book focuses in main on the Clinton (1993-2001) and G. W. Bush (2001-2009) administrations, using the case studies of Egypt, Iraq and Kuwait to deconstruct the US strategy of democracy promotion in the Middle East.
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Fuelled by the suspicion that the European Union's democracy promotion efforts in the Middle East and North Africa over the past 20 years were not only ineffective but even counterproductive, this book critically reviews the practice and effects of international democracy promotion efforts vis-a-vis authoritarian regimes. How and under which conditions do authoritarian regimes cooperate on democracy promotion efforts by international actors ? And what does the Arab Spring tell us about the nature and prospects of these efforts ? Following a comprehensive analysis of cooperation on democracy and human rights in Euro-Mediterranean relations since the early 1990s, the author argues that the same set of factors facilitated both the cooperation of authoritarian regimes and their persistence during the Arab Spring. For authoritarian regimes with moderate levels of political liberalization and statehood, cooperation on democracy and human rights became part of their more 'successful' survival strategies.
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This textbook offers a systematic and up-to-date introduction to politics and society in the Middle East. Taking a thematic approach that engages with core theory as well as a wide range of research, it examines postcolonial political, social and economic developments in the region, while also scrutinising the domestic and international factors that have played a central role in these developments. Topics covered include the role of religion in political life; gender and politics; the Israel-Palestine conflict; civil war in Syria; the ongoing threat posed by Islamist groups such as Islamic State as well as the effects of increasing globalisation across the MENA. Following the ongoing legacy of the Arab Spring, it pays particular attention to the tension between processes of democratization and the persistence of authoritarian rule in the region. New to this edition: - Fully updated to cover the latest developments and now offers expanded coverage of the military and security apparatus, regional conflict and the Arab uprisings. - Wider use of textboxes linking themes to specific historical events, figures and concepts. - Spotlight features in each chapter focusing on the politics and governance of individual countries. This is an ideal textbook for undergraduate and postgraduate students approaching Middle Eastern politics for the first time.
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Contestation --- Violence politique --- Protest movements --- Democratization --- Syrie --- Political violence --- Histoire --- History --- Politique et gouvernement --- Assad, Bashar, --- Syria --- Politics and government --- Political violenceHistoire --- HistoryAssad, Bashar,Syria --- SyriaHistory --- Contestation - Syrie - Histoire - 21e siècle --- Violence politique - Syrie - Histoire - 21e siècle --- Protest movements - Middle East - History - 21st century --- Democratization - Middle East --- Syrie - Politique et gouvernement - 2000 --- -Syrie - Histoire - 2011- (Révolte) --- Political violence - Syria - History - 21st century --- Assad, Bashar, - 1965 --- -Syria - History - Civil War, 2011 --- -Syria - Politics and government - 2000 --- -Contestation - Syrie - Histoire - 21e siècle --- -Contestation --- -Syria
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Why and how did Islam become such a political force in so many Muslim-majority countries? In this book, Jocelyne Cesari investigates the relationship between modernization, politics, and Islam in Muslim-majority countries such as Egypt, Iraq, Pakistan, Tunisia, and Turkey - countries that were founded by secular rulers and have since undergone secularized politics. Cesari argues that nation-building processes in these states have not created liberal democracies in the Western mold, but have instead spurred the politicization of Islam by turning it into a modern national ideology. Looking closely at examples of Islamic dominance in political modernization, this study provides a unique overview of the historical and political developments from the end of World War II to the Arab Spring that have made Islam the dominant force in the construction of the modern states, and discusses Islam's impact on emerging democracies in the contemporary Middle East.
Islam and politics --- Islam and state --- Democratization --- Arab Spring, 2010 --- -Arab Awakening, 2010 --- -Democratic consolidation --- Democratic transition --- Political science --- New democracies --- Mosque and state --- State and Islam --- State, The --- Ummah (Islam) --- Islam --- Politics and Islam --- History --- Political aspects --- Middle East --- Politics and government --- -History --- Middle East - Politics and government - 1945 --- -Islam and politics - Middle East - History - 20th century --- Islam and state - Middle East - History - 20th century --- Democratization - Middle East - History - 20th century --- -Islam and politics
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Révoltes ou révolutions, les soulèvements populaires apparus dans le monde arabe en 2011 ont renversé ou défient toujours les régimes autoritaires et leurs autocrates délégitimés. Mouvements d'affirmation sociale, politique et identitaire, portés par des exigences de liberté et d'égalité, de reconnaissance et de redistribution. ils ont balayé la fiction de "l'exception arabe" et rouvert le champ des possibles au Maghreb et au Moyen-Orient.Pour quelles transitions, vers quels horizons? Déstabilisation de la région, crispation des acteurs. démocratisation des structures, récupération des aspirations, radicalisation des options, explosion des conflits. émancipation des peuples...? Au-delà des traits communs aux sociétés arabes contemporaines. les scénarios varient d'un pays à l'autre. Maroc. Algérie. Tunisie, Libye, Egypte, Syrie.Jordanie, Yémen. Bahreïn. Arabie saoudite. etc.. ils sont tous concernés, directement ou indirectement. par des épisodes plus ou moins répressifs. plus ou moins sanglants. Quels premiers grands bilans tirer de ces soulèvements ? Quelles promesses contiennent-ils et quels risques pèsent sur leurs aboutissements ? La mise à plat de la genèse du "printemps arabe", de ses acteurs sociopolitiques locaux, nationaux et internationaux.de ses facteurs culturels, démographiques et économiques, mais aussi des rôles joués par l'Europe et les Etats-Unis. aide à lire un réel particulièrement complexe et, plus loin, à évaluer le potentiel libérateur d'une dynamique de changement social et d'autodétermination.
National movements --- Political systems --- Political sociology --- Arab States --- Arab Awakening, 2010-.... --- Arab Spring, 2010-.... --- Arabische lente, 2010-.... --- Arabischer Frühling, 2010-.... --- Printemps arabe, 2010-.... --- Revoluties in de Arabische wereld, 2010-.... --- Révoltes arabes, 2010-.... --- Révolutions arabes, 2010-.... --- Revolutions --- Islam and politics --- Democratization --- Protest movements --- History --- Middle East --- Arab countries --- Politics and government --- conflit armé --- armed conflicts --- Politique sociale --- Social policies --- Guerre --- War --- Changement social --- Social change --- Pays arabes --- Afrique du Nord --- North Africa --- Moyen Orient --- Tunisia --- Libya --- Egypt --- Syrian Arab Republic --- Yémen --- Yemen --- Bahreïn --- Bahrain --- Algeria --- Morocco --- Jordanie --- Jordan --- Social changePays arabes --- 1990 --- -Printemps arabe, 2010-.... --- -armed conflicts --- Yemen. --- Arab states --- -Political sociology --- Printemps arabe (2010-....) --- Politique et gouvernement --- Revolutions - Middle East --- Islam and politics - Middle East --- Democratization - Middle East --- Revolutions - Arab countries - History - 21st century --- Protest movements - Arab countries - History - 21st century --- Middle East - Politics and government - 21st century --- Arab countries - Politics and government - 21st century
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