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Asia --- Australasia --- Islands of the Pacific --- Asie --- Australasie --- Pacifique, Iles du
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Elections --- Southeast Asia --- Asie du Sud-Est --- Politics and government --- Politique et gouvernement --- Electoral politics --- Franchise --- Polls --- Political science --- Politics, Practical --- Plebiscite --- Political campaigns --- Representative government and representation
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National liberation movements --- Nationalism --- Imperialism. --- Imperialism --- History - General --- History & Archaeology --- Colonialism --- Empires --- Expansion (United States politics) --- Neocolonialism --- Political science --- Anti-imperialist movements --- Caesarism --- Chauvinism and jingoism --- Militarism --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- Liberation movements, National --- Revolutions --- History --- Developing countries. --- Emerging nations --- Fourth World --- Global South --- LDC's --- Least developed countries --- Less developed countries --- Newly industrialized countries --- Newly industrializing countries --- NICs (Newly industrialized countries) --- Third World --- Underdeveloped areas --- Underdeveloped countries
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Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said that peace is the first priority of the National League for Democracy (NLD) when it comes to power in April 2016. Both her remarks at the Union Peace Conference in January and the NLD election manifesto point to ethnicity and federalism being linked. This is a position similar to that taken by the outgoing Thein Sein government and the army. Now that the word "federalism" is accepted as useful in the debate over how to establish an end to Myanmar's persistent civil wars with ethnically designated armed groups, it was hoped that some meeting of minds might take place. But as revealed at the Union Peace Conference, that is yet to have happened. Rather, spokespersons for the ethnic armed groups continue to speak the language of ethnic rights and a federal army, while the government talks about reaching material and administrative agreements and the army insists that there can only be one army. These debates echo the past, going back to the formation of Myanmar in the late 1940s. In order to break the apparently endless debate about federalism, ethnicity, states and divisions in the Union of Myanmar, perhaps a new approach might be considered -- taking federalism a step further to the seventy-four district levels of administration. As the ethnically designated armed groups operate in relatively small and localized areas, a solution that squares the circle between ethnicity and territory might have appeal.
Ethnicity --- Ethnic identity --- Group identity --- Cultural fusion --- Multiculturalism --- Cultural pluralism --- Burma --- Birmanskiĭ Soi︠u︡z --- Union of Burma --- Burma (Union) --- Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma --- Pyidaungsu Myanmma Naing Ngan-Daw --- Birmanie --- Birmânia --- Myanmar --- Mien Chin --- Burmah --- Pyidaungzu Myanma Naingngandaw --- Myanma Naingngandaw --- Pyidaungsu Socialist Thammada Myanma Naingngandaw --- Mranʻ mā --- Praññʻ thoṅʻ cu Chuirhayʻlacʻ Sammata Mranʻ mā Nuiṅʻ ṅaṃ toʻ --- Union of Myanmar --- Birma --- Myanma --- Republic of the Union of Myanmar --- Pyidaunzu Thanmăda Myăma Nainngandaw --- Mianmar --- Unie van Mianmar --- Unie van Birma --- Pyi-daung-zu Myan-mar Naing-ngan-daw --- Myanma Birliyi Respublikası --- М'янма --- M'i︠a︡nma --- Рэспубліка Саюз М'янма --- Rėspublika Sai︠u︡z M'i︠a︡nma --- П'ідаўнзу М'янма Найнганда --- P'idaŭnzu M'i︠a︡nma Naĭnhanda --- Саюз М'янма --- Sai︠u︡z M'i︠a︡nma --- Mijanmar --- Mijanmarska Unija --- Мианмар --- Република Съюз Мианмар --- Republika Sŭi︠u︡z Mianmar --- República de la Unió de Myanmar --- Birmanya --- Barma --- Svazová republika Myanmar --- Undeb Myanmar --- Myanmar Unionens Republik --- Pyidaungsu Thamada Myanmar Naing-Ngan-Daw --- Pye Tawngsu Thammada Myanma Naingngan --- Republik der Union von Myanmar --- Myanmari Liidu Vabariik --- Μιανμάρ --- ʼΕνωση του Μιανμαρ --- Enōsē tou Mianmar --- Βιρμανία --- Virmania --- Μπούρμα --- Bourma --- Δημοκρατία της ʼΕνωσης της Μιανμάρ --- Dēmokratia tēs Enōsēs tēs Mianmar --- Unión de Myanmar --- República de la Unión de Myanmar --- Birmo --- Mjanmao --- Mjanmaa Unio --- Myanmarko Batasuna --- République de l'Union du Myanmar --- Myanmarin tasavallan unioni --- Puruma --- Maenmar --- Unión de Birmania --- Mjanmar --- Mjanma --- Unija Mjanmar --- Mianmari Államszövetség Köztársasága --- ミャンマー --- 미얀마 --- Miyanma --- 버마 --- Bŏma --- 缅甸 --- Miandian --- Praññʻ thoṅʻ cu Sammata Mranʻ mā Nuiṅʻ ṅaṃ toʻ --- Mranʻ mā Nuiṅʻ ṅaṃ toʻ --- Pyidaungzu Thammada Myanma Naingngandaw --- Politics and government. --- Ethnic relations. --- National Unity Government of Myanmar --- National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
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'Robert Taylor, one of the most prominent scholars in Myanmar studies, has written an illuminating study of Ne Win, the most enigmatic and controversial of the first generation of post-independence Southeast Asian leaders, and how he steered a then largely unknown country, Burma (now Myanmar), through the Cold War years. This book, by perhaps the only foreign political analyst to live in Burma under Ne Win, is a significant contribution to the historiography of Myanmar and its unnoticed role in the Cold War in Asia.' - Associate Professor Ang Cheng Guan, Head of Graduate Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. 'This book fills a major gap in the literature of Myanmar by providing the first scholarly account of the life of General Ne Win, its enigmatic ruler for over 25 years. It will be of interest not only to professional Myanmar watchers, who have log awaited a detailed and comprehensive study of this important historical figure, but to anyone who wants to learn more about this troubled Southeast Asian country, where Ne Win's legacy is still being felt today.' - Andrew Selth, Adjunct Associate Professor, Griffith Asia Institute.'The Colonel Ne Win of World War II and General Ne Win of post-independent Myanmar was not the same as Chairman Ne Win of the BSPP. Nor was the context of those days similar to the context by which he is normally judged today. The present work (and Taylor's scholarship in general) is acutely aware of such anachronistic projections backward, made to commensurate with certain desired academic and political consequences. Taylor examines Ne Win's life and career in the context of when it occurred. This book returns Ne Win to the period to which he belonged.' - Michael Aung-Thwin, Professor of South East Asian History University of Hawaii.'It is difficult to imagine that this study of Ne Win, the dominant figure in the politics of Burma through most of the second half of the twentieth century, will ever be surpassed. Immensely detailed, insightful, and impressively understanding, this is an outstanding work of scholarship.' - Ian Brown, Emeritus Professor of the Economic History of South East Asia School of Oriental and African Studies (London).
Prime ministers --- Chancellors (Prime ministers) --- Chief ministers (Prime ministers) --- First ministers (Prime ministers) --- Premiers (Prime ministers) --- Cabinet officers --- Heads of state --- Ne Vaṅʻ, --- Burma --- Politics and government --- Ne Vaṅʻʺ, --- Ne Win, --- Ūʺ Ne Vaṅʻʺ, --- U Ne Win,
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Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said that peace is the first priority of the National League for Democracy (NLD) when it comes to power in April 2016. Both her remarks at the Union Peace Conference in January and the NLD election manifesto point to ethnicity and federalism being linked. This is a position similar to that taken by the outgoing Thein Sein government and the army. Now that the word "federalism" is accepted as useful in the debate over how to establish an end to Myanmar's persistent civil wars with ethnically designated armed groups, it was hoped that some meeting of minds might take place. But as revealed at the Union Peace Conference, that is yet to have happened. Rather, spokespersons for the ethnic armed groups continue to speak the language of ethnic rights and a federal army, while the government talks about reaching material and administrative agreements and the army insists that there can only be one army. These debates echo the past, going back to the formation of Myanmar in the late 1940s. In order to break the apparently endless debate about federalism, ethnicity, states and divisions in the Union of Myanmar, perhaps a new approach might be considered -- taking federalism a step further to the seventy-four district levels of administration. As the ethnically designated armed groups operate in relatively small and localized areas, a solution that squares the circle between ethnicity and territory might have appeal.
Ethnicity --- Burma --- Politics and government. --- Ethnic relations.
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