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In his second term (2019-24), President Joko Widodo remains committed in combating radicalism. Anti-radicalism measures such as the banning of radical organization Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), anti-radicalism policies at schools and universities and the deradicalization of terrorists have been expanded to include the Indonesian civil service that currently employs over 4.2 million people across the archipelago. In November 2019, a joint decree was signed by eleven government and state institutions to formalize the new anti-radicalism policy. This paper argues that some challenges arose during the process of implementing the policy including the lack of cooperation from Personnel Development Officers (PPK) in imposing disciplinary actions recommended by the task force. The spread of COVID-19 further impedes policy coordination and has hampered efforts to effectively implement the policy.
POLITICAL SCIENCE / Public Policy / Social Policy. --- Civil service --- Radicalism --- Islamic fundamentalism --- Indonesia. --- Government policy --- Indonesia --- Politics and government --- Fundamentalism, Islamic --- Islamism --- Islam --- Religious fundamentalism --- Extremism, Political --- Ideological extremism --- Political extremism --- Political science
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Religious extremism among students in major campuses in Indonesia remains a problem for the Indonesian government, campus authorities and moderate Muslims. A substantial number of studies on Islam and religious extremism in Indonesia have focused on security and cultural paradigms. In contrast, this article discusses the factors that cause the rise of religious extremism among university students through an organizational and institutional lens. The dissemination and internalization of religious extremist narratives contribute to the rise of religious extremism among university students in Indonesia. Counter-extremism policies by the government and campus authorities have not been effective due to the absence of an integrative approach. All stakeholders - the government, campus authorities, parents of university students, communities and student organizations - need to establish a concerted and integrative effort to uproot religious extremism from among university students.
College students --- Islamic fundamentalism --- College life --- Universities and colleges --- University students --- Students --- Education --- Muslim college students --- Islam fundamentalism --- Islam --- Religious life
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It is worrying that, in many cases in Indonesia, exposure to the Internet, especially social media, increases knowledge seekers' religious radicalism. This exposure has not only resulted in increased radicalism but also compelled some individuals to turn to violence in the name of Islam.Moderate online media institutions have not been effective in counteracting the online dissemination of extremist religious content. The content disseminated by radical websites is still being popularly consumed, albeit those moderate Muslim websites have put in considerable effort to counteract radical narratives.This report argues that this ineffectiveness is due to structural and cultural challenges. The structural challenges include limited funding and sensitivity towards the policy of umbrella organizations. Cultural challenges include passiveness in corporate culture, alongside the "ivory tower" traditions among journalists which leaves them out of touch with Muslim communities.The government of Indonesia can assist moderate Muslim media websites in fighting radical narratives, for example, through better funding to them.
Internet --- Media enterprises --- Radicalism in mass media. --- Social media --- Religious aspects --- Islam. --- Finance. --- SOCIAL SCIENCE / Media Studies.
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"This book analyses the response of the Indonesian state to violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi'a minority communities by foregrounding the close connections between state officials and vigilante groups, which influenced the way the post-Soeharto democratic Indonesian governments addressed the problem of violence against religious minorities. Arguing that the violence stemmed in part from the state officials' close connection with vigilante groups, and a general tendency for the authorities to forge mutual and material interests with such groups, the author demonstrates that vigilante groups were able to perpetrate violence against the minority congregations with a significant degree of impunity. While the Indonesian state has become far more democratic, accountable and decentralized since 1998, the violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi'a communities shows a state that is still unwilling in assisting or allowing minority groups to practice their religion. The research undertaken for this book draws upon a lengthy period of ethnographic fieldwork in the communities of West Java and East Java. Research material includes in-depth interviews with community and religious leaders, state officials and security forces, and other prominent politicians. A novel approach to the problem of Islam, violence and the state in Indonesia, the book will be of interest to researchers studying Southeast Asian Politics, Islam and Politics, Conflict Resolution, State and Violence, and Terrorism and Political Violence"--
Religious minorities --- Ahmadiyya --- Shiites --- Islam and state --- Islam and politics --- Violence against
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