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This study aims to understand women's engagement in economic activities in rural Honduras and why these activities may not be accurately reflected in official statistics. The study finds that women underreport their engagement in economic activities, including production for own consumption, production of market goods, and remunerated services and commerce. Simulations suggest that the rural female labor force participation rate in Honduras is likely to be underestimated by 6 to 23 percentage points. Two main explanations are found. First, women identify themselves (and are identified) primarily as housewives, and the concepts of housework and employment are taken as mutually exclusive. Second, given this duality between housework and employment, women define "employment" based on a set of necessary characteristics that exclude many of their own activities. Specifically, work needs to (i) be conducted physically outside the home; (ii) be in exchange for money; and (iii) entail sufficient time commitment. Importantly, these conditions are not binding constraints for men to identify their own activities as economic activity. These results have implications for understanding the low labor force participation of women in rural communities in countries beyond Honduras, suggesting that low rates obscure a significant amount of economic activity in many countries.
Economic Engagement --- Females --- Gender --- Labor Force Participation --- Labor Market --- Poverty Reduction --- Social Protections and Labor --- Survey Design
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This study quantifies the outflow of human capital associated with migration from Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras since 1990. To measure the outflow of skills and human capital and how this has changed over time, the study uses information on Northern Triangle migrants residing in the United States, a group that accounts for over 90 percent of all migrants from the three countries. The results suggest that these migrants are, in general, positively selected into migration. That is, based on their observable characteristics, the individuals would have a higher earnings distribution relative to individuals who do not migrate. The results show a decrease in selectivity between the 10-year cohort of migrants who arrived by 2000 and those who arrived by 2014. This finding may reflect increased access to migration networks by lower-income households and individuals. The data suggest that the loss in human capital associated with a 10-year outflow of adults, as measured by foregone local wages, represented 1.9 percent of gross domestic product in El Salvador, 1.5 percent in Honduras, and 1.0 percent in Guatemala.
Economic Development --- Human Capital --- Immigration --- International Economics and Trade --- Labor Markets --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Migration and Development --- Poverty Reduction --- Social Protections and Labor
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Through substitution and income effects, remittances can alter an individual's allocation of time between market activities and household production, decreasing labor supply. This paper uses propensity score matching and household surveys for 2006 and 2014 to estimate the impact of remittances on labor supply in the three countries of the Northern Triangle (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras). The results show that remittances are associated with a reduction in labor force participation, particularly among women. This effect is largest for Salvadoran women (13 percentage points). A sensitivity analysis finds that the negative effect on labor force participation rates of men in El Salvador and Guatemala and women in El Salvador is robust to potential selection bias. Receiving remittances is also associated with a lower likelihood of young adults being in school or at work, with this effect being robust to selection bias for young men in Guatemala. At the same time, the evidence suggests that remittances may be supporting small enterprises and self-employment in El Salvador and Guatemala. The analysis does not find robust evidence of remittances affecting the labor supply in Honduras in 2014.
Economic Development --- Labor Markets --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Migration --- Poverty Reduction --- Remittances --- Social Protections and Labor
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Honduras is Central America's second-largest country with a population of more than 8 million and a land area of about 112,000 square kilometers. The 20th century witnessed a profound economic transformation and modernization in Honduras. Honduras' persistent poverty is the result of long-term low per capita growth and high inequality, perpetuated by the country's high vulnerability to shocks. First, over the past 40 years the country has experienced modest growth rates marked by considerable volatility. Second, high levels of inequality have weakened the ability for growth to reduce poverty by limiting the extent to which a large segment of the population is able to fully access physical and human capital. Third, a large share of the population is vulnerable and exposed to regular shocks - both large and small which has exacerbated poverty by destroying or slowing asset accumulation. This systematic country diagnostic (SCD) explores the drivers of these development outcomes in Honduras, and reflects on the policy priorities that should underlie a development strategy focused on eradicating poverty and boosting shared prosperity. After identifying a number of critical factors affecting the country's development outcomes, the SCD concludes that there is a need for a comprehensive agenda that tackles simultaneously the problems that have kept the country in a low development equilibrium for many decades, as well as emerging challenges that have the potential not only to prevent progress but also worsen the current situation. The SCD also argues that the policy agenda needs to be ambitious and move away from marginal interventions in order to move Honduras from a situation where its economic potentials are just potentials to another where they become actuals.
Access to Education --- Access to Finance --- Administrative Costs --- Agricultural Sector --- Bank Accounts --- Capacity Building --- Capital --- Collateral --- Corruption --- Credit --- Debt --- Discrimination --- Economic Development --- Economic Growth --- Economic Opportunities --- Economies of Scale --- Educational Attainment --- Employment Opportunities --- Equality --- Equity --- Exchange Rates --- Expenditures --- External Shocks --- Extortion --- Family --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Financial Services --- Fiscal Policy --- Foreign Direct Investment --- Gender --- Governance --- Governance Indicators --- Health, Nutrition and Population --- Human Capital --- Human Rights --- Income Tax --- Inequality --- Informal Workers --- Interest Rates --- International Finance --- Job Creation --- Loans --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Monetary Policy --- Mortgages --- Nutrition --- Operating Costs --- Population Policies --- Poverty Reduction --- Private Investment --- Profitability --- Property Rights --- Public Investment --- Public-Private Partnerships --- Purchasing Power --- Purchasing Power Parity --- Remittances --- Risk Management --- Rural Poverty Reduction --- Savings --- Scholarships --- Small Businesses --- Social Development --- Social Responsibility --- Tariffs --- Tax Exemptions --- Unemployment --- Urban Areas --- Women
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A better policy framework for preventing, managing, and helping people recover from crises is crucial to lifting long-term growth and livelihoods in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). The need for this policy framework has never been more urgent as the region faces the monumental task of recovery from the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic. Whether specific policy responses will deliver the expected growth dividends will depend on the underlying vision of how labor markets adjust to crises and the quality of the policies enacted. This report estimates how crises change labor market flows, assesses how these changes affect people, and discusses the key policy responses--
Coronavirus --- COVID-19 --- Economic Shock --- Fiscal Policy --- Labor Market --- Pandemic Impact --- Pandemic Response
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In this note we estimate the short-term economic impact of the COVID-19 crisis on Brazilian families vis-a-vis labor shocks. The analysis, using a microsimulation model which incorporates subnational shocks from a computable general equilibrium growth model, shows that over 30 million workers in Brazil may see significant reductions in their labor income in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Two-thirds of these workers are informal workers or own-account workers, groups without access to unemployment protection. These household shocks would reduce average per capita income by 7.6 percent, with the largest impact on the second and third quintiles of the income distribution. These income shocks are inequality-increasing: without any mitigation measures, inequality would increase by 4 percent. The country's first line of defense, its existing unemployment insurance system, reduces the income shock to 5.3 percent. Even so, an additional 8.4 million Brazilians could fall into poverty. The policy responses announced by the government, and particularly the Auxilio Emergencial (AE) transfer, have the potential to fully absorb the labor income shock for the poorest 40 percent and reduce poverty. Yet, these results reflect annualized income, obscuring the sharp reduction in monthly income if demand shocks persist after the AE ends. Looking towards the next phase of the response, considering extensions of AE that are either less generous or more restricted provide a fiscally prudent approach for continuing to support Brazil's most vulnerable.
Business Cycles and Stabilization Policies --- Coronavirus --- COVID-19 --- Employment and Unemployment --- Income Distribution --- Inequality --- Informal Sector --- Labor Market --- Labor Markets --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Poverty --- Social Protections and Assistance --- Social Protections and Labor --- Unemployment
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How do labor income shocks affect household investment in upper secondary and tertiary schooling? Using longitudinal data from 2005-15 for Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, this paper explores the effect of a negative household income shock on the enrollment status of youth ages 15 to 25. The findings suggest that negative income shocks significantly increase the likelihood that students in upper secondary and tertiary school exit school in Argentina and Brazil, but not in Mexico. For the three countries, the analysis finds evidence that youth who drop out due to a household income shock have worse employment outcomes than similar youth who exit school without a household income shock. Differences in labor markets and safety net programs likely play an important role in the decision to exit school as well as the employment outcomes of those who exit across these three countries.
Education --- Gender --- Income Shocks --- Social Development --- Youth Employment
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Honduras is Central America's second-largest country with a population of more than 8 million and a land area of about 112,000 square kilometers. The 20th century witnessed a profound economic transformation and modernization in Honduras. Honduras' persistent poverty is the result of long-term low per capita growth and high inequality, perpetuated by the country's high vulnerability to shocks. First, over the past 40 years the country has experienced modest growth rates marked by considerable volatility. Second, high levels of inequality have weakened the ability for growth to reduce poverty by limiting the extent to which a large segment of the population is able to fully access physical and human capital. Third, a large share of the population is vulnerable and exposed to regular shocks - both large and small which has exacerbated poverty by destroying or slowing asset accumulation. This systematic country diagnostic (SCD) explores the drivers of these development outcomes in Honduras, and reflects on the policy priorities that should underlie a development strategy focused on eradicating poverty and boosting shared prosperity. After identifying a number of critical factors affecting the country's development outcomes, the SCD concludes that there is a need for a comprehensive agenda that tackles simultaneously the problems that have kept the country in a low development equilibrium for many decades, as well as emerging challenges that have the potential not only to prevent progress but also worsen the current situation. The SCD also argues that the policy agenda needs to be ambitious and move away from marginal interventions in order to move Honduras from a situation where its economic potentials are just potentials to another where they become actuals.
Access to Education --- Access to Finance --- Administrative Costs --- Agricultural Sector --- Bank Accounts --- Capacity Building --- Capital --- Collateral --- Corruption --- Credit --- Debt --- Discrimination --- Economic Development --- Economic Growth --- Economic Opportunities --- Economies of Scale --- Educational Attainment --- Employment Opportunities --- Equality --- Equity --- Exchange Rates --- Expenditures --- External Shocks --- Extortion --- Family --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Financial Services --- Fiscal Policy --- Foreign Direct Investment --- Gender --- Governance --- Governance Indicators --- Health, Nutrition and Population --- Human Capital --- Human Rights --- Income Tax --- Inequality --- Informal Workers --- Interest Rates --- International Finance --- Job Creation --- Loans --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Monetary Policy --- Mortgages --- Nutrition --- Operating Costs --- Population Policies --- Poverty Reduction --- Private Investment --- Profitability --- Property Rights --- Public Investment --- Public-Private Partnerships --- Purchasing Power --- Purchasing Power Parity --- Remittances --- Risk Management --- Rural Poverty Reduction --- Savings --- Scholarships --- Small Businesses --- Social Development --- Social Responsibility --- Tariffs --- Tax Exemptions --- Unemployment --- Urban Areas --- Women
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As part of the ongoing debate on the modernization of the Bolsa Familia (BF) program, several reform proposals were presented through 2019, including by the Ministry of Citizenship (MoC), Congress and the think tank IPEA, the latter as part of a broader proposal to consolidate various expenditures. This note uses the BraSIM microsimulation model to evaluate the 2019 proposals in the context of Brazil's tax benefit system. All proposals lead to a higher number of beneficiaries, with the poorest families, especially children and youth, benefitting the most. In general, the progressive incidence of the current program would vary little in the MoC and Congress reforms, but is reduced in IPEA's, which includes a universal component. The three proposals have different contributions on poverty-reduction: IPEA's reform is significantly less efficient than the current scenario and other reforms in terms of cost-effectiveness. However, IPEA's proposal most contributes to the reduction of inequality, and is the only one that identifies financing sources through the extinction of more regressive expenditures. Through this comparative analysis, the Note also highlights the main dilemmas about the future of the program, which remain relevant even in the post-COVID-19 reality: the tension between generosity and coverage; the priorization of certain groups for poverty-reduction; reconciling the program's objective of encouraging human capital for children with its role of minimum income guarantee; the risks of eliminating a "basic benefit". While only IPEA's proposal identified financing sources for the program's expansion, the Note reveals additional potential sources of financing for the BF program in the tax benefit system.
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