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For two hundred years historians have viewed England's Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 as an un-revolutionary revolution-bloodless, consensual, aristocratic, and above all, sensible. In this brilliant new interpretation Steve Pincus refutes this traditional view.By expanding the interpretive lens to include a broader geographical and chronological frame, Pincus demonstrates that England's revolution was a European event, that it took place over a number of years, not months, and that it had repercussions in India, North America, the West Indies, and throughout continental Europe. His rich historical narrative, based on masses of new archival research, traces the transformation of English foreign policy, religious culture, and political economy that, he argues, was the intended consequence of the revolutionaries of 1688-1689.James II developed a modernization program that emphasized centralized control, repression of dissidents, and territorial empire. The revolutionaries, by contrast, took advantage of the new economic possibilities to create a bureaucratic but participatory state. The postrevolutionary English state emphasized its ideological break with the past and envisioned itself as continuing to evolve. All of this, argues Pincus, makes the Glorious Revolution-not the French Revolution-the first truly modern revolution. This wide-ranging book reenvisions the nature of the Glorious Revolution and of revolutions in general, the causes and consequences of commercialization, the nature of liberalism, and ultimately the origins and contours of modernity itself.

HISTORY / Europe / Great Britain / General. --- Great Britain --- History --- Historiography. --- Social aspects.

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Protestantism and Patriotism offers a fundamental reinterpretation of English political culture between 1650 and 1668. It is also both the most detailed study to date of the causes and consequences of the first two Anglo-Dutch Wars (1652-1654 and 1665-1667), and a configuration of the English political nation which engaged in those two conflicts. Professor Pincus argues that it is impossible to understand the making of English foreign policy in this period without a careful study of its ideological contexts, while at the same time suggesting that accounts of English domestic politics which ignore the ideological implications of England's place in European political culture are impoverished. Because of the broad context in which the Anglo-Dutch Wars are situated, the book will appeal not only to specialists in English foreign policy but to all those interested in seventeenth-century English and Dutch politics and culture.

Christianity and politics --- Patriotism --- Protestant churches --- Protestantism. --- History --- Arts and Humanities --- Great Britain --- Foreign relations --- Christianity --- Church history --- Reformation --- Loyalty --- Allegiance --- Protestant sects --- Christian sects --- Protestantism --- Church and politics --- Politics and Christianity --- Politics and the church --- Political science --- Political aspects

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The English Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 is one of the most famous instances of 'institutional' change in world history which has fascinated scholars because of the role it may have played in creating an environment conducive to making England the first industrial nation. This claim was most forcefully advanced by North and Weingast yet the existing literature in history and economic history dismisses their arguments. In this paper we argue that North and Weingast were entirely correct in arguing that the Glorious Revolution represented a critical change in institutions. In addition, and contrary to the claims of many historians, most of the things they claimed happened, for example parliamentary sovereignty, did happen. However, we argue that they happened for reasons different from those put forward by North and Weingast. We show that rather than being an instance of a de jure 're-writing the rules', as North and Weingast argued, the Glorious Revolution was actually an interlinked series of de facto institutional changes which came from a change in the balance of power and authority and was part of a broader reorientation in the political equilibrium of England. Moreover, it was significant for the economy not because it solved a problem of credible commitment, but for two other reasons. First, because the institutional changes it led to meant that party political ministries, rather than the king's private advisors, now initiated policy. Second, because these ministries were dominated by Whigs with a specific program of economic modernization.

Zonder onderwerpscode: economie