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'Oxford Open Economics' is a fully open access journal publishing research covering all areas of economics, including theoretical, empirical, applied and policy-oriented work, and extending from macroeconomics through microeconomics and all relevant fields.
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This paper evaluates empirically four types of cost that may result from an international sovereign default: reputational costs, international trade exclusion costs, costs to the domestic economy through the financial system, and political costs to the authorities. It finds that the economic costs are generally significant but short-lived, and sometimes do not operate through conventional channels. The political consequences of a debt crisis, by contrast, seem to be particularly dire for incumbent governments and finance ministers, broadly in line with what happens in currency crises.
Debts, External --- Default (Finance) --- Debts, Public. --- Financial crises --- Bank failures --- Econometric models. --- Failure of banks --- Crashes, Financial --- Crises, Financial --- Financial crashes --- Financial panics --- Panics (Finance) --- Stock exchange crashes --- Stock market panics --- Debts, Government --- Government debts --- National debts --- Public debt --- Public debts --- Sovereign debt --- Debts, Foreign --- Debts, International --- External debts --- Foreign debts --- International debts --- Business failures --- Crises --- Debt --- Bonds --- Deficit financing --- Finance --- Finance, Public --- Repudiation --- International finance --- Investments, Foreign --- Banks and Banking --- Exports and Imports --- Money and Monetary Policy --- International Lending and Debt Problems --- Monetary Policy, Central Banking, and the Supply of Money and Credit: General --- Financial Crises --- International economics --- Monetary economics --- Economic & financial crises & disasters --- Trade credits --- Banking crises --- Credit ratings --- Bank credit --- Debt default --- Credit --- Argentina
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IMF forecasts and the EU's Fiscal Compact foresee Europe's heavily indebted countries running primary budget surpluses of as much as 5 percent of GDP for as long as 10 years in order to maintain debt sustainability and bring their debt/GDP ratios down to the Compact's 60 percent target. We show that primary surpluses this large and persistent are rare. In an extensive sample of high- and middle-income countries there are just 3 (nonoverlapping) episodes where countries ran primary surpluses of at least 5 per cent of GDP for 10 years. Analyzing a less restrictive definition of persistent surplus episodes (primary surpluses averaging at least 3 percent of GDP for 5 years), we find that surplus episodes are more likely when growth is strong, when the current account of the balance of payments is in surplus (savings rates are high), when the debt-to-GDP ratio is high (heightening the urgency of fiscal adjustment), and when the governing party controls all houses of parliament or congress (its bargaining position is strong). Left wing governments, strikingly, are more likely to run large, persistent primary surpluses. In advanced countries, proportional representation electoral systems that give rise to encompassing coalitions are associated with surplus episodes. The point estimates do not provide much encouragement for the view that a country like Italy will be able to run a primary budget surplus as large and persistent as officially projected.
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This paper uses a unique dataset with matched information at the firm-bank level covering 13,000 firms and 550 banks in 36 emerging and developing economies over 2012-20. The analysis tests whether government-owned banks fulfill their social mandate by targeting credit constrained firms or firms that are more likely to generate positive externalities. The findings show that credit constrained firms are more likely to borrow from government-owned banks, and that this is especially the case in countries with good institutions. However, the paper does not find any evidence that government-owned banks target innovative firms or "green" firms. The findings show that in firms that borrow from government-owned banks, employment reacts less to business cycle conditions relative to firms that borrow from private banks. The paper further shows that employment is more stable in credit constrained firms that have a relationship with a government-owned banks with respect to credit constrained firms that borrow from a private bank.
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This paper uses firm-level data to document and analyze international bond issuance by Chinese non-financial corporations and the use of the proceeds of issuance. We find that dollar issuance is positively correlated with the differential between domestic and foreign interest rates. This interest rate differential increases the likelihood of dollar bond issuance by risky firms and decreases the likelihood of dollar bond issuance of exporters and profitable firms. Moreover, and most strikingly, we find that risky firms do more inter-firm lending than non-risky firms and that this lending rose significantly after the regulatory shock of 2008-09, when the authorities sought to restrict the financial activities of risky firms. Risky firms try to boost profitability by engaging in speculative activities that mimic the behavior of financial institutions while escaping prudential regulation that limits risk-taking by financial firms.
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