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Marsilius of Padua (c. 1275–c. 1342) was one of the most influential and controversial political thinkers of the Middle Ages. He is best known for his seminal text Defensor Pacis (1324) in which he attacks the papal theory of plenitude of power and defends an idea of political community based on the strict separation of political and religious authority. Marsilius’ work lies at the crossroads of different disciplines, ranging from political philosophy to civil and canon law, to medicine. Indeed, he presents an original synthesis of several contemporary themes and traditions such as Aristotelianism, Augustinianism, the debate on Franciscan property, the communal tradition of the Italian city-states, ecclesiology, medicine, and astrology. This edited volume analyses the life and thought of Marsilius of Padua in his own context and beyond. Gathering many of the leading experts in Marsilian studies across different national and linguistic traditions working today, this volume has two main goals. First, it aims to bring together experts who come from distinct fields in order to investigate the many branches of knowledge present in Defensor Pacis without losing sight of Marsilius as a comprehensive theorist. Second, the volume aims to shed new light on one of the most neglected aspects in Marsilian studies: the Marsilian influence, i.e., his impact in the early modern period during the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, up to twentieth century.
Political science --- Philosophy --- History --- Marsilius,
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Marsilius of Padua (c. 1275-c. 1342) was one of the most influential and controversial political thinkers of the Middle Ages. He is best known for his seminal text Defensor Pacis (1324) in which he attacks the papal theory of plenitude of power and defends an idea of political community based on the strict separation between political and religious authority. Marsilius' work lies at the crossroads of different disciplines, ranging from political philosophy to civil and canon law, to medicine. Indeed, he presents an original synthesis of several contemporary themes and traditions such as Aristotelianism, Augustinianism, the debate on Franciscan property, the communal tradition of the Italian city-states, ecclesiology, medicine, and astrology. This edited volume analyses the life and thought of Marsilius of Padua in his own context and beyond. Gathering most of the leading experts in Marsilian studies across different national and linguistic traditions working today, this volume has two main goals. First, it aims to bring together experts who come from distinct fields in order to investigate the many branches of knowledge present in Defensor Pacis without losing sight of Marsilius as a comprehensive theorist. Second, the volume aims to shed new light on one of the most neglected aspects in Marsilian studies: the Marsilian influence, i.e., his impact on the early modern period during the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, up to twentieth century.
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The main goal of this thesis is to understand the broad meaning of representation, and further understand how this concept might be applied in democracy. Thus, to understand representation, this thesis features main perspectives of political representation discussed in the literature by prominent theorists of representation. The theorists begin by evaluating the meaning of the concept of representation which they agree is problematic. Later on, they consider two main perspectives of viewing representation, from which they distinguish between conventional frameworks of representation which they argue, rely on electoral processes. They furthermore distinguish more dynamic frameworks of representation which they argue, goes beyond electoral processes. In the first part of this thesis, we start by discussing conventional frameworks of representation discussed by Hanna Pitkin. She argues that representation may be understood from the perspective of a common meaning. She further argues that if we evaluate representation from the perspective of the common meaning, we might be able to distinguish between different forms of representation. Moreover, she argues that these different forms depend on how the roles of the representatives are defined in the representation process, and also how the representatives are held accountable for their decision. In the second part of this thesis, Michael Saward challenges the conventional frameworks of representation discussed by Pitkin which he argues, are largely limited to electoral processes. Hence, he argues that Pitkin’s framework fails to go beyond electoral processes, and consider emerging forms of representation, for instance, non-electoral representation. Saward proposes a new framework where he argues that representation should be viewed as a claim-making process, where the representative is tasked with formulating claims on issues which interests the represented. His framework further tasks the represented with the final decision-making role where they choose to accept, reject or contest the claims made by the representatives. In the third part of this thesis, we discuss Urbinati and Warren who criticize conventional frameworks of representation as only limited to electoral processes, and hence, do not sufficiently address emergent representation issues in democracy, such as the need for deliberative processes, and participation of citizens in decision-making. The authors argue the need for us to rethink how representation is conceived such that it fosters or enables democracy. In the conclusion, we argue that although the theorists view representation from different perspectives, it is possible to derive meaningful insights from their frameworks which broadens our understanding of representation. We also argue that, although the need to consider non-electoral representation in democracy is important, how this might be achieved in practice is problematic. We argue that, this is because democratic processes are founded on the right for each person to vote on issues which interests them. Hence, applying the conventional, and more dynamic frameworks for representation in emerging democracies might be problematic.
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For centuries, the generally accepted view of Machiavelli’s theory was the realist interpretation of the works of the Renaissance thinker, which was characterised by the view that Machiavelli’s theory is immoral, evil and that its central theme is that ends justify the means. Yet, such interpretation of Machiavelli’s political theory is imperfect, because it omits many aspects which cast a different light on it. There were other readings, provided by, for example John McCormick, which concentrate on an idea that in his theory, Machiavelli addresses the people and displays the advantages of the republican government over the principality. However, such authors mostly focus their argument on Machiavelli’s other piece, Discourses on Livy. Both scholarly interpretations present radically different fronts regarding the approach to the political theory of Machiavelli. What is lacking is a connecting link between the two. Therefore, the argument of this work will create grounds for providing this link and present the theme of Machiavelli’s Prince from an unpopular and difficult side. This difficulty lies in the fact, that The Prince is the most common source of the realist understanding of Machiavelli’s political theory. This thesis reinterprets the shortest book of Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, in order to present that in his political theory, Machiavelli argues for the importance of the well-being of the people in a stable state. In order to provide a coherent interpretation, this work explores the reasoning behind the interpretations of the two representatives of the realist position to Machiavelli’s works – Tommaso Campanella and Leo Strauss and examine passages from The Prince which are the most often brought up when opting for the realist understanding of Machiavelli’s theory in order to prepare grounds for the argument. Then, the work responds to the realist ideas by stating that the actions of a ruler are restricted by the need to secure the state and in order to secure it well, he has to learn how to adapt to the situation. This will create a problem, because sometimes actions which are required to preserve the state are immoral. Thus, the work will solve the problem of morality by arguing that Machiavelli reinterprets it and leaves the traditional morality for the private sphere of life. Yet, he will not be able to abandon traditional morals, since the examples of the ruler’s dedication to traditional morality are crucial to maintain the stable relation between the people and the ruler. This will lead to the final argument, because when the chapter dedicated to morality outlines the fact that the people are of great importance in the state, the last chapter will follow this idea and show that since the people are so important for the ruler, then he has to care for their well-being as much as it is possible. In total, this work presents that since Machiavelli’s goal in The Prince is to guide how to create a secure and stable state, then appropriate treatment of the citizens is necessary to achieve it.
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Recently there has been a lively debate on the relationship of Machiavelli’s political thought concerning his relationship to classical republicanism, democracy and populism. So much so that some even speak of a ‘democratic turn’ in the scholarship. In this paper, I read his classic work The Prince from a ‘populist perspective’ which entails that I will focus on these aspects of The Prince which have been considered to be ‘populist’ according to secondary literature. Three elements are crucial to understand what I would call Machiavelli’s populism in The Prince: firstly, Machiavelli’s criticism of classical republicanism on the possibility of knowing a transcendent common good. Through his theory of the humors, Machiavelli develops an alternative conception of politics in which conflict is essential for liberty and the common good. Secondly, in Machiavelli’s philosophical anthropology the role of the imagination and its repercussions for politics ought not to be underestimated. It accounts for the important role that Machiavelli ascribes to appearances, especially for the new prince. One mode of appearance that merits particular attention is the ‘force of the lion’ which is much broader than crude violence or coercion. Thirdly, the appearance of the lion has repercussions for the popular militia that the new prince ought to establish for the maintenance of his state. Because, as Machiavelli states in chapter 12, the principal foundation of all states are good arms and good laws. I argue, that the arms of the new prince, which are comprised of the ‘honest’ people and ought to replace mercenaries, ensure that the laws are not a means to oppress as Machiavelli seems to suggest in a couple of passages. The lionized force of the new prince can serve as an example for the militarized plebs to counteract oppressive laws. This negative force of the people to oppose lawmaking is what Kolja Möller has called ‘destituent power’. Through this interpretation of The Prince, I argue that Machiavelli espouses an aesthetic form of populism due to the theatrical nature of politics that ought to inspire the people to militantly defend their freedom against possible oppression from political elites.
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In Hobbes's theory, as expounded in Leviathan, there exists a proviso in which he gives the conditions for when the subjects may disobey the sovereign. This is when the right to preserve their life is under threat by the sovereign's commands. To determine when this life is endangered rests on the individuals. I consider this Hobbesian resort to private interpretation together with the retained rights (to preserve their life) as something that vitiates the power invested in the sovereign from being absolute. This is by taking cognizance of what absolutism stands for. Hobbes' commitment to absolutism would have it that the sovereign remains the supreme ruler whose powers know no bounds. It is my aim in this thesis to use the subjects' right to self-preservation (which here uses self-defence right as a case study) and private judgment which is a subjective right, to demonstrate that the Hobbesian exceptions attenuate the power of the sovereign from being absolute. My conclusions in this thesis are that the inconsistencies in Hobbes' arguments attenuate his theory of absolutism. Secondly, by granting such exceptions on retained rights, I argue that Hobbes subverts his theory perhaps, unintentionally. This is not because of lack of powerful arguments which he quite put forward but rather, largely on certain inconsistencies based on those exceptions. To arrive at the above conclusions, I employ the following steps: I examined Hobbes' state of nature, the social contract and the institution of the sovereign with an absolute power which Hobbes argues only him (sovereign) can arrest the anarchy in the state of nature. I consider few of those powers (to secure peace and life, adjudication, reward and punishment), and Hobbes' concept of self-preservation. From this point, the main thrust of the thesis is considered. I showed how limited the powers of the sovereign is. This invariably points to the overall interest of the thesis which is that the retained rights (which self-preservation is part) raise problems for Hobbes
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For jurist, philosopher, and political theorist Carl Schmitt, the concept of humanity is potentially a deadly political weapon. Thus, in contradistinction to singular or subsuming concepts of humanity, Schmitt speaks throughout his entire corpus of human spirit, anthropology, and enigmatically, anthropomorphism, which, according to him, could preserve a sense of human dignity. This paper sets out to analyze the various anthropological concepts embedded within Schmitt’s political thought. It will be shown, however, that although he seeks to uphold an intelligible form of human dignity - independent of political and conceptual strictures – his attempts are ultimately stifled by prior commitments existent within his political theory. By explicating foundational concepts such as sovereignty and decisionism within political theology, and in contradistinction to his analyses of value philosophy and technical-rationality (technicity), we will see that although his theoretical-political attempts are more nuanced and even more ‘humane’ than most commentators would ever concede, there is nevertheless an unresolvable tension between the unavoidable and particularistic ‘logic of the political,’ and the universality of human dignity he strives for.
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A more radical political proposal than has hitherto been ascribed to Leo Strauss can be drawn from his exchange with Alexandre Kojève. As an alternative to Kojève’s idea of a world state, Strauss proposes a cosmopolitan society of philosophers. Kojève challenges Strauss with the claim that non-historicist philosophy is incapable of providing a philosophic answer to the question of justice. Unless philosophy abandons the idea that there exists something like eternal justice, there will always be an unpassable chasm separating the finite human philosopher from justice. Many scholars have understood Strauss’ response to consist in his zetetic understanding of philosophy, critique of the inhumanity of Kojève’s world state and politics of prudence and moderation. These interpretations render Strauss lacking in terms of an adequate response to Kojève’s challenge. Conversely, this paper argues that Strauss endorses and provides the resources for the cultivation of the conditions requisite for a truly cosmopolitan society.
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