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This book is a work of contemporary economic history focusing primarily on the US and the UK. It shows that, historically, much of the wealth of the ultra-wealthy has been based on inheritance, tax evasion, political influence, or wage theft. Today, much of the wealth of the rentier class—the super-rich—is based on income from ownership or control of scarce assets, or assets artificially made scarce. As a result, the super-rich reap much of their wealth from patents, monopolies, and subsidies. Their banks retain the right to speculate on risky derivatives, and their credit-card companies are not limited by usury laws that reduce interest rates. The super-rich have lowered (or escaped) inheritance taxes, shifted much of their income to lower taxed capital gains, practiced wage theft, fought minimum wage laws, outsourced jobs, and resorted to temps and contract labor to avoid unions and decent wages. They use tax havens where trillions of dollars remain untaxed, transfer profits of their intellectual and financial property to subsidiaries in low-tax regimes, and defend for-profit health insurance that is unaffordable and inequitable for millions. This book states in qualitative and quantitative terms how expensive the super-rich have become, why they are unsustainable for the rest of us, and what the way forward to greater economic equality may be. In sum, the super-rich are unaffordable.
Schools of economics. --- Economic history. --- Economics. --- Heterodox Economics. --- Political Economy/Economic Policy. --- Economic History. --- Economic conditions --- History, Economic --- Economics --- Economics schools of thought --- Schools of economic thought --- Liberalism --- Economic policy. --- Economic Policy. --- Economic nationalism --- Economic planning --- National planning --- State planning --- Planning --- National security --- Social policy
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Today the US and the UK are at a crossroads. Millions are out of work, millions (in the US) are still deprived of health care, millions have lost their homes, and we are collectively more unequal than we have been since the 1920s. Both countries will experience massive social upheavals if they don't reduce social inequality, invest massively in education and infrastructure, commit themselves to securing jobs for all who want them, change tax structures that coddle the 1 percent, rein in the anarchy of big banks by reregulating (or nationalising) them, and liberate the captive state from the financial institutions of Wall Street and the City of London.Social inequality is neither inevitable, nor the result of globalisation. It is the outcome of social and economic policies embraced by the 1 percent. This can be reversed by more social democracy, not less, by recovering the state for the 99 percent.
Socialism. --- Public welfare. --- Equality. --- Economic policy. --- Benevolent institutions --- Poor relief --- Public assistance --- Public charities --- Public relief --- Public welfare --- Public welfare reform --- Relief (Aid) --- Social welfare --- Welfare (Public assistance) --- Welfare reform --- Human services --- Social service --- Marxism --- Social democracy --- Socialist movements --- Collectivism --- Anarchism --- Communism --- Critical theory --- Economic nationalism --- Economic planning --- National planning --- State planning --- Economics --- Planning --- National security --- Social policy --- Egalitarianism --- Inequality --- Social equality --- Social inequality --- Political science --- Sociology --- Democracy --- Liberty --- Government policy --- Economic policy --- Political aspects --- Adam Smith. --- Alexis De Tocqueville. --- Anglo-America. --- Beatrice Webb. --- European social democracies. --- European social model. --- Grand Narrative. --- Great Depression. --- John Stuart Mill. --- Matthew Arnold. --- Milton Friedman. --- economic inequality. --- free market. --- globalization. --- social model. --- unemployment rates. --- welfare state.
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This book is a work of contemporary economic history focusing primarily on the US and the UK. It shows that, historically, much of the wealth of the ultra-wealthy has been based on inheritance, tax evasion, political influence, or wage theft. Today, much of the wealth of the rentier class—the super-rich—is based on income from ownership or control of scarce assets, or assets artificially made scarce. As a result, the super-rich reap much of their wealth from patents, monopolies, and subsidies. Their banks retain the right to speculate on risky derivatives, and their credit-card companies are not limited by usury laws that reduce interest rates. The super-rich have lowered (or escaped) inheritance taxes, shifted much of their income to lower taxed capital gains, practiced wage theft, fought minimum wage laws, outsourced jobs, and resorted to temps and contract labor to avoid unions and decent wages. They use tax havens where trillions of dollars remain untaxed, transfer profits of their intellectual and financial property to subsidiaries in low-tax regimes, and defend for-profit health insurance that is unaffordable and inequitable for millions. This book states in qualitative and quantitative terms how expensive the super-rich have become, why they are unsustainable for the rest of us, and what the way forward to greater economic equality may be. In sum, the super-rich are unaffordable.
Economic policy and planning (general) --- Economics --- World history --- economie --- economische politiek --- economische geschiedenis
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