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The history of wars caused by misjudgments, from Napoleon's invasion of Russia to America's invasion of Iraq, reveals that leaders relied on cognitive models that were seriously at odds with objective reality. Blinders, Blunders, and Wars analyzes eight historical examples of strategic blunders regarding war and peace and four examples of decisions that turned out well, and then applies those lessons to the current Sino-American case.
China -- Military policy -- Decision making. --- Military history -- Case studies. --- Strategy -- Case studies. --- United States -- Military policy -- Decision making. --- War -- Decision making -- Case studies. --- War --- Strategy --- Military history --- Military & Naval Science --- Law, Politics & Government --- Military Science - General --- Decision making --- United States --- China --- Military policy --- Decision making. --- Military historiography --- Wars --- Military strategy --- Armed conflict (War) --- Conflict, Armed (War) --- Fighting --- Hostilities --- Historiography --- U.S.A. --- Jungtinės Amerikos valstybės --- Soedinennye Shtaty Si︠e︡vernoĭ Ameriki --- Soedinennye Shtaty Severnoĭ Ameriki --- Si︠e︡vero-Amerikanskīe Soedinennye Shtaty --- Severo-Amerikanskie Soedinennye Shtaty --- Zlucheni Derz︠h︡avy --- USA --- US --- Arhab --- Ar. ha-B. --- Artsot ha-Berit --- ولايات المتحدة الامريكية --- Wilāyāt al-Muttaḥidah al-Amirīkīyah --- ABSh --- Amerika Birlăshmish Shtatlary --- ABŞ --- Amerika Birlăşmi Ştatları --- Forente stater --- Spojené staty americké --- Severo-Amerikanskie Shtaty --- Sjedinjene Američke Države --- Zʹi︠e︡dnani Derz︠h︡avy Ameryky --- Amerikai Egyesült Államok --- Yhdysvallat --- Verenigde Staten --- Egyesült Államok --- Hiwsisayin Amerikayi Miatsʻeal Tērutʻiwnkʻ --- Estados Unidos de América --- United States of America --- Fareyniḳṭe Shṭaṭn --- Artzois Ha'bris --- Estados Unidos da América do Norte --- SShA --- Soedinennye Shtaty Ameriki --- VSA --- États-Unis d'Amérique --- Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika --- Stati Uniti d'America --- Estados Unidos --- EE.UU. --- Stany Zjednoczone --- ĒPA --- Amerika Qūrama Shtattary --- Amerika Qŭshma Shtatlari --- SAD --- Saharat ʻAmērikā --- Hēnomenai Politeiai Amerikēs --- ZSA --- Mei-kuo --- Meiguo --- Mei guo --- ZDA --- Združene države Amerike --- U.S. --- America (Republic) --- Amirika Carékat --- Verenigde State van Amerika --- VS --- ولايات المتحدة --- Wilāyāt al-Muttaḥidah --- ولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة --- Wilāyāt al-Muttaḥidah al-Amrīkīyah --- Estatos Unitos --- Estatos Unitos d'America --- Ètats-Unis d'Amèrica --- Estaos Xuníos d'América --- Estaos Xuníos --- Tetã peteĩ reko Amérikagua --- Istadus Unidus --- Amerika Birlăşmiş Ştatları --- Amerika ka Kelenyalen Jamanaw --- Bí-kok --- Amerika Qushma Shtattary --- AQSh --- Злучаныя Штаты Амерыкі --- Zluchanyi︠a︡ Shtaty Ameryki --- Yunaeted Stet blong Amerika --- Yunaeted Stet --- Vaeinigte Staatn --- Vaeinigte Staatn vo Amerika --- Stadoù-Unanet Amerika --- Sŭedineni amerikanski shtati --- САЩ --- SASht --- Съединените щати --- Sŭedinenite shtati --- Америка (Republic) --- Amerika (Republic) --- Estats Units d'Amèrica --- Америкӑри Пӗрлешӳллӗ Штатсем --- Amerikări Pĕrleshu̇llĕ Shtatsem --- Stati Uniti --- SUA (Stati Uniti d'America) --- Unol Daleithiau America --- Unol Daleithiau --- Amerikas Forenede Stater --- Vereinigte Staaten --- Wááshindoon Bikéyah Ałhidadiidzooígíí --- Zjadnośone staty Ameriki --- Ameerika Ühendriigid --- Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες της Αμερικής --- Hēnōmenes Politeies tēs Amerikēs --- Η.Π.Α. --- Ē.P.A. --- Usono --- Unuiĝintaj Ŝtatoj de Ameriko --- Американь Вейтьсэндявкс Штаттнэ --- Amerikanʹ Veĭtʹsėndi︠a︡vks Shtattnė --- Ameriketako Estatu Batuak --- Feriene Steaten --- Feriene Steaten fan Amearika --- FS --- Stâts Unîts di Americhe --- Stâts Unîts --- Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá --- Steatyn Unnaneysit America --- Steatyn Unnaneysit --- S.U.A. --- Na Stàitean Aonaichte --- NSA --- Mî-koet --- 미국 --- Miguk --- Amerikayi Miatsʻyal Nahangner --- Miatsʻyal Nahangner --- Cina --- Kinë --- Cathay --- Chinese National Government --- Chung-kuo kuo min cheng fu --- Republic of China (1912-1949) --- Kuo min cheng fu (China : 1912-1949) --- Chung-hua min kuo (1912-1949) --- Kina (China) --- National Government (1912-1949) --- China (Republic : 1912-1949) --- People's Republic of China --- Chinese People's Republic --- Chung-hua jen min kung ho kuo --- Central People's Government of Communist China --- Chung yang jen min cheng fu --- Chung-hua chung yang jen min kung ho kuo --- Central Government of the People's Republic of China --- Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo --- Zhong hua ren min gong he guo --- Kitaĭskai︠a︡ Narodnai︠a︡ Respublika --- Činská lidová republika --- RRT --- Republik Rakjat Tiongkok --- KNR --- Kytaĭsʹka Narodna Respublika --- Jumhūriyat al-Ṣīn al-Shaʻbīyah --- RRC --- Kitaĭ --- Kínai Népköztársaság --- Chūka Jinmin Kyōwakoku --- Erets Sin --- Sin --- Sāthāranarat Prachāchon Čhīn --- P.R. China --- PR China --- Chung-kuo --- Zhongguo --- Zhonghuaminguo (1912-1949) --- Zhong guo --- Chine --- République Populaire de Chine --- República Popular China --- Catay --- VR China --- VRChina --- 中國 --- Jhongguó --- Bu̇gu̇de Nayiramdaxu Dundadu Arad Ulus --- Bu̇gu̇de Nayiramdaqu Dumdadu Arad Ulus --- Bu̇gd Naĭramdakh Dundad Ard Uls --- Khi︠a︡tad --- Kitad --- Dumdadu Ulus --- Dumdad Uls --- Думдад Улс --- Kitajska --- 中国 --- 中华人民共和国 --- History --- Naval history --- Military art and science --- Military doctrine --- International relations --- Peace --- China (Republic : 1949- ) --- Американь Вейтьсэндявкс Штаттнэ --- PRC --- P.R.C. --- BNKhAU --- БНХАУ --- Spojené obce severoamerické --- États-Unis --- É.-U. --- ÉU
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"This report analyzes key trends and themes in China's People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) surface-to-air missile (SAM) unit training. After providing background information on China's air defense forces, the report introduces the basics of PLAAF SAM training, including training requirements, trends in recent training activities, and analysis of training themes"--Back cover.
Air forces --- Surface-to-air missiles --- Training of --- China. --- Operational readiness.
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The administration of President Donald Trump pursued an enhanced-and, in some ways, novel-set of policies designed to confront China over its transgressive and anticompetitive economic behaviors, such as theft of technology and intellectual property and limitations on market access for U.S. businesses. How did the U.S. business community view these policies, and did it broadly support increased U.S. efforts to counter problematic Chinese economic behavior? If not, how could the U.S. government implement policy to better achieve policy goals while also addressing corporate concerns? In this report, the authors address these questions, which are central to determining whether the U.S. government has crafted an overall economic strategy or approach toward China that is sustainable and feasible. How the business community thinks the United States should deal with China is an overlooked and underappreciated topic, and the United States might find it difficult to compete against China without support from the business community. The authors assess how the U.S. business community-focusing on the manufacturing, technology, and financial sectors-viewed the Trump administration's China policies through several different lenses: from the perspective of individuals, from the perspective of different firms over time, and from the perspective of specific industry sectors and subsectors. The analysis focuses on Trump administration actions toward China from 2017 through fall 2020.
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"This report examines the impact of renewed tension between NATO and Russia on a group of key allies and partners in central and northeastern Europe. It identifies how changes in the interests, security strategies, and defense capabilities of these countries may affect U.S. defense partnering in the region, with a specific focus on opportunities and implications for the U.S. Air Force. While both politics and resources will constrain partnership opportunities and the ability of these countries to contribute to U.S. regional defense objectives, opportunities for strengthening partnerships do exist in multiple areas"--Publisher's web site.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization --- Armed Forces --- United States --- Europe, Northern --- Europe, Eastern --- Military relations
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The 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy instructed the U.S. military to become more operationally unpredictable and suggested that doing so would help the United States deter attacks on U.S. partners. The authors of this report propose a definition of U.S. operational unpredictability—adversary uncertainty about how the United States would fight; develop four potential approaches for increasing U.S. operational unpredictability and deterring attacks on U.S. allies and partners; and assess how the four approaches could affect U.S. relations with Russia and China. They also examine two Cold War–era cases in which the United States sought to be more operationally unpredictable. The authors find that increasing adversaries' perceptions of U.S. operational unpredictability may be possible if the United States has detailed information about their operational analysis and decisionmaking processes. The most promising way to increase U.S. operational unpredictability is to publicize new U.S. capabilities and demonstrate that they give the United States multiple options for achieving its key objectives. However, increasing U.S. operational unpredictability may be costly and, in some cases, involve negative side effects (e.g., reducing U.S. military effectiveness and increasing China's and Russia's threat perceptions). The authors recommend weighing the potential costs and effectiveness of these approaches against more traditional approaches to deterring U.S. adversaries.
Deterrence (Strategy) --- Military policy --- Operational art (Military science) --- Decision making. --- Evaluation. --- United States --- China. --- Russia (Federation) --- United States. --- Military policy. --- Foreign relations
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Since its establishment in 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has viewed itself as an underdeveloped country-economically backward, physically weak, and vulnerable to exploitation by more powerful states. Even as the PRC has grown stronger economically and militarily, especially since launching the reform and opening policies of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, PRC officials continue to insist China is a developing country. In the initial stages of reform and opening, China's relations with the developed world were shaped by its desire to expand trade and attract investment. In the 1990s, China increased its attention to the Developing World, negotiating economic agreements and creating new China-centric institutions. This accelerated in the 2000s and especially after the 2008 financial crisis, when there were worldwide doubts about the developed-world, and especially the U.S., economic model. China's attention to the Developing World has culminated in numerous institutions and in the new Belt and Road Initiative. The authors analyze China's political and diplomatic, economic, and military engagement with the Developing World, region by region, focusing on the 21st century through the beginning of the Belt and Road Initiative, an ambitious vision that builds on China's previous activities. The authors discuss specific countries in each region-so-called pivotal states-that are most important to China. The authors show that China has oriented its security concerns and its overall engagement in concentric circles of importance. Near neighbors merit the most attention. The authors conclude with policy implications for the United States.
China --- Economic policy --- Since 2000
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Few studies have systematically tracked how China is using gray zone tactics-coercive activities beyond normal diplomacy and trade but below the use of kinetic military force-against multiple U.S. allies and partners. Lacking a foundational empirical baseline, it is difficult to determine patterns and trends in Chinese activities to develop effective counters to them. The authors developed a framework to categorize China's use of gray zone tactics against five U.S. allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific and to identify the most problematic People's Republic of China (PRC) tactics that the United States could prioritize countering. Based on open-source material, this report provides a more in-depth understanding of Chinese operations in the gray zone. Among other conclusions, the authors observe that China views gray zone activities as natural extensions of how countries exercise power. China employs such tactics to balance maintaining a stable, favorable external environment with efforts to alter the status quo in China's favor without triggering major pushback or conflict. It has used nearly 80 such tactics on its neighbors, often in relation to territorial disputes.
Security, International --- Information warfare. --- International economic relations. --- Low-intensity conflicts (Military science) --- Guerre de l'information. --- Conflits de basse intensité. --- China --- Indo-Pacific Region --- Indo-Malaisie --- Military policy. --- Strategic aspects. --- Aspect stratégique.
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In long-term strategic competition with China, how effectively the United States works with allies and partners will be critical to determining U.S. success. To enable closer cooperation, the United States will need to understand how allies and partners view the United States and China and how they are responding to U.S.-China competition. In this report, which is the main report of a series on U.S.-China competition in the Indo-Pacific, the authors define what U.S.-China competition for influence involves and comparatively assess U.S.-China competition for influence in six countries in Southeast Asia—Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam—as well as the roles of three U.S. allies and partners that are active in Southeast Asia—Australia, India, and Japan. The authors first explore why the United States is competing with China in the Indo-Pacific and what the two are competing for. They then develop a framework that uses 14 variables to assess relative U.S.-Chinese influence across countries in the Indo-Pacific. Drawing from interviews in all nine countries and data gathered, the authors apply this framework to assess how regional countries view U.S.-China competition in their respective countries and how China views competition in each of the regional countries. Finally, the authors discuss how the United States could work more effectively with allies and partners in Southeast Asia and beyond.
Great powers --- Security, International --- Foreign relations. --- 2000-2099 --- United States --- China --- China. --- Indo-Pacific Region. --- Southeast Asia. --- United States. --- Foreign relations
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