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The Oxford handbook of classics in contemporary political theory complements The Oxford handbook of political theory, with a focus on texts, not themes; each chapter discusses one of the key works that contributed to the subdiscipline of postwar political theory, 1950-2000. The essays include discussion of the works themselves, including their key arguments; their intellectual influence in the years after their publication, including key debates about them and criticisms of them; and their promise and potential as intellectual resources in the future. The books studied include not only those within political theory and philosophy proper, but those within neighboring fields, especially empirical political science, that have made or could make important contributions to ideas within political theory itself. The volume as a whole offers an account of what political theory is, and has been: one in which normative philosophy, social theory, critical theory, the history of political thought, and social science are all drawn upon and enrich each other. It makes a case for political theory as a field of social science, and for a common intellectual enterprise of the understanding of social and political life to which such figures as Rawls, Habermas, Foucault, Arendt, Hayek, Skinner, and Strauss all contribute.

Political science --- Civilization, Classical --- Classical influences. --- E-books --- Classical influences

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This book combines an analysis of the policy dilemmas faced by multiethnic states around the world with a philosophical consideration of multiculturalism and nationalism. It discusses land rights, official apologies for past injustices, the sexist and cruel internal practices of many minority groups, and the violence of state attempts to assimilate minorities. It argues that ethnic and national identity are not morally important, but that it is morally important toshape our laws and politics around the fact of cultural pluralism and the dangers it poses.

Ethnic relations --- Fear --- Multiculturalism. --- Nationalism. --- Political violence. --- Social conflict --- Political aspects. --- Class conflict --- Class struggle --- Conflict, Social --- Social tensions --- Interpersonal conflict --- Social psychology --- Sociology --- Violence --- Political crimes and offenses --- Terrorism --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Political science --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- Cultural diversity policy --- Cultural pluralism --- Cultural pluralism policy --- Ethnic diversity policy --- Multiculturalism --- Social policy --- Anti-racism --- Ethnicity --- Cultural fusion --- Fright --- Emotions --- Anxiety --- Horror --- Ethnic politics --- Government policy

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This paper races the shifts in treatments of intermediate groups among some liberal and democratic political theorists in the 18th and 19th centuries. The decades of the late 18th and early 19th centuries are traditionally understood to encompass the emergence of fully liberal political and social theory, and an early version of liberal political practice, in France, the UK, and the US; they have lately been identified by North, Wallis, and Weingast as the decades when those three societies substantially made the transition to "open access" political, economic, and legal orders. This transition consists in part in the democratization of organizational tools that had previously been open only to members of the elite, such as the shift from specially chartered monopolistic corporations to general incorporation laws, and that from parliamentary oligopolistic party competition to modern parties competing in wide-suffrage elections. Although the early liberal theorists did not fully perceive the changes happening around them, their analyses and reactions can help us see things about the shift to open-access orders that might not be fully visible in retrospect. To varying degrees they looked forward to the possibility of a pluralism without privilege, but they also had doubts about its possibility. They offered some reasons to prefer pluralism with privilege to the absence of both. They worried that centralization, democratic or otherwise, might be the preeminent fact of modern state consolidation, and that purely voluntary, equal, associational pluralism might not be powerful enough to check it. The kinds of pluralism grounded in ancient regime privilege and status, in entrenched jurisdictional pluralism within the constitutional order, or in pre-political cultural and customary ties might be needed to motivate the oppositional political action that could protect pluralism and freedom.

Zonder onderwerpscode: economie

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In Federalism and Subsidiarity, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law, and philosophy address the application and interaction of the concept of federalism within law and government. What are the best justifications for and conceptions of federalism? What are the most useful criteria for deciding what powers should be allocated to national governments and what powers reserved to state or provincial governments? What are the implications of the principle of subsidiarity for such questions? What should be the constitutional standing of cities in federations? Do we need to “remap” federalism to reckon with the emergence of translocal and transnational organizations with porous boundaries that are not reflected in traditional jurisdictional conceptions? Examining these questions and more, this latest installation in the NOMOS series sheds new light on the allocation of power within federations.

LAW / Constitutional. --- POLITICAL SCIENCE / Political Freedom & Security / Law Enforcement. --- LAW / Government / Federal. --- Central-local government relations --- Competent authority --- Subsidiarity --- Local government --- Federal government --- Center-periphery government relations --- Local-central government relations --- Local government-central government relations --- Political science --- Decentralization in government --- Competence (Legal authority) --- Public officers --- Sociology --- States' rights (American politics)

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"There are very few philosophical questions to which Charles Taylor has not devoted his attention. His work has made powerful contributions to our understanding of action, language, and mind. He has had a lasting impact on our understanding of the way in which the social sciences should be practiced, opposing an interpretive stance to dominant positivist methodologies. His powerful critiques of atomist versions of liberalism has redefined the agenda of political philosophers. He has, moreover, produced prodigious intellectual histories aiming to excavate the origins of the way in which we have construed the modern self, and of the complex intellectual and spiritual trajectories that have culminated in modern secularism. Despite the apparent diversity of his work, it is driven by a unified vision. Throughout his writings, Charles Taylor has sought to oppose reductive conceptions of the human and of human societies that were thought by empiricist and positivist thinkers from Hume to Skinner and beyond to lend rigour to the human sciences. In its place, Taylor has articulated a vision of humans as interpretive beings, who can be understood neither individually nor collectively without adverting to the fundamental goods and values through which they make sense of their lives. The contributors to this volume, all of them distinguished philosophers and social theorists in their own rights, offer critical assessments of the full range of Taylor's writings. Taken together, they provide the reader with an unrivalled perspective on the full extent of Charles Taylor's contribution to modern philosophy."--

Taylor, Charles, --- Taylor, Charles --- Taylor, Charles, - 1931 --- -Taylor, Charles, - 1931 --- -Taylor, Charles --- -Taylor, Charles, - 1931-