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This study aims at exploring some of the numerous problems plaguing healthcare in Bafut in the North West region of Cameroon. Principally, the objectives are geared towards showing how the local people in Bafut culturally respond to health issues and how practitioners interact between themselves and the population in solving their health needs. It also aims at analyzing the relationship that exists between Alternative and Modern medicine and access the average that has occurred since the arrival of Modern medicine.

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This thesis aims to discover the extent to which I-Kiribati migrants can be said to be agents of development in order to shed light on the contemporary discourse on the migration-development nexus. After having introduced Kiribati and its various paths for migration, the thesis will briefly introduce the contemporary conception of the migration-development nexus by placing it in its historical context. Arguing that large parts of the assumptions inherent in and contemporary analysis of the nexus are victim to a sedentary bias and methodological nationalism, it will speak for a global perspective on the nexus that embeds migrants and their movements within wider fields of unequal power. It will argue that I- Kiribati migrants currently greatly improve the life conditions of their kin and community by remitting, yet have but little effect on national development. Furthermore, their agency is highly structured by the restrictive immigration policies of receiving states. Here, the migration-development mantra obscures the high social and economic cost at which migrants move, and the way in which the ‘triple-win’ scenario laid out by mantra enthusiasts obfuscates the highly unequal negotiations preceding and advantages resulting from (temporary) mobility schemes.

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The feminist movement in Morocco is a well-established and -organized entity and on the top of that a unique successful story of women’s progress in the MENA. Together with a substantial amelioration of women’s status, the movement initiated a wave of gender-sensibilisation and democratization of the public sphere. The amendment of the Mudawanna in 2004 - Morocco’s family - is considered the flagship of their endeavors. Through advocacy work and strategic political moves, they have become a historical respected actor within civil society. Dynamics of globalization and democratization have drastically changed Moroccan society, giving rise to a young and educated generation, which aspires a better future for themselves and their society. Their discontents with the current regime and politics, combined with the changes in the Arab region, resulted in a protest called the 20th February Movement. Although not explicitly a feminist organization, this heterogeneous movement incorporates gender-equality in their organizational structure, and inscribes women’s rights in a broader demand for a free democracy. The spirit of the movement gave rise to a variety of youth initiatives that focalize on individual liberties, which include women’s issues. This study tempts to investigate the new generation of activists, and examine how they relate to the feminist movement and its components. Women’s issues, before solely treated by the traditional feminist movement, are now appropriated by actors who have emerged outside of the movement. While Moroccan feminists have always defined women’s issues as the pre-requisite for a democratic society, the new generation inscribes this in a larger spectrum of demands for individual liberties. The different conceptions on how to approach gender-equality in order to achieve a societal change, creates a tension between the two generations. The generational gap is deepened due to a difference in working methods, as the actions of t...

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New donor countries appear in the international development, and Russia is one of those. The process of becoming a donor is complex and unclear. The case of Russia is unique from the cultural perspective, because it was not just the transit from the state A (the soviet one) to the state B (democracy), and from recipient (in the 1990s) to donor (2000s). It was a rapid transit that coincided with the social and cultural changes. The big question is what allowed Russia to emerge as a donor country at the international development arena. This needs to understand the background of Russian political ambition to be called as a donor country, and the tendency of being the strong state with almost authoritarian regime. First of all, it deals with internal development of Russia, in which the core issues were not limited to the economic and administrative changes, but also included creation of civil society. The received foreign development aid (official assistance) of the 1990s had a great impact on the Russian transit. Moreover, this impact was much more evident in civil society sphere, where the ideals of freedom and democracy prevailed.Secondly, the practice of international development assistance doesnt demonstrate the rapid transformation of countries and turn of recipient status into donor. Russia is the international law successor of the USSR. Together with the debts of less developed countries, Russia could get as well power weapon, natural and mineral resources, industrial and other assets. The key is the natural resources and the how the state (the government) could manage them for the strengthening the order and presenting Russia as developed nation. It is the issue deeply linked with cultural and mentality aspects, and it reflected as well on the relationship between the state, business and civil society.Thirdly, what does the donorship mean in Russian and for Russia? Depending on the interpretation and adaptation to the country political system, Russia is s