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India and Pakistan have very different visions for Afghanistan, and they seek to advance highly disparate interests through their respective engagements in the country. This paper reviews the countries' interests in Afghanistan, how they have tried to further their interests, how Afghanistan navigates their rivalry, and the rivalry's implications for U.S. and Indian policy.
Regions & Countries - Asia & the Middle East --- History & Archaeology --- South Asia --- International relations. --- Afghanistan --- India --- Pakistan --- United States --- Foreign relations --- Coexistence --- Foreign affairs --- Foreign policy --- Global governance --- Interdependence of nations --- International affairs --- Peaceful coexistence --- World order --- Dominion of Pakistan --- Bākistān --- Islamic Republic of Pakistan --- Islamskai︠a︡ Respublika Pakistan --- Islami Jamhuriya e Pakistan --- Pākistāna --- پاکِستان --- Islāmī Jumhūrī-ye Pākistān --- باكستان --- Paquistan --- Пакістан --- Ісламская Рэспубліка Пакістан --- Пакистан --- Ислямска република Пакистан --- Isli︠a︡mska republika Pakistan --- Islamische Republik Pakistan --- Eʼeʼaahjí Naakaii Dootłʼizhí Bikéyah --- Pakistani Islamivabariik --- Πακιστάν --- Ισλαμική Δημοκρατία του Πακιστάν --- Islamikē Dēmokratia tou Pakistan --- Afganistan --- A-fu-han --- República Democrática de Afganistán --- DRA --- Republic of Afghanistan --- Democratic Republic of Afghanistan --- Aphganistan --- Afeganistão --- Islamic State of Afghanistan --- Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan --- Islamic Republic of Afghanistan --- Affghanistan --- Efẍanistan --- Jumhūrī-i Islāmī-i Afghānistān --- جمهورى اسلامى افغانستان --- Afghānistān Islāmī Imārat --- افغانستان --- Jomhūrī-ye Eslāmī-ye Afġānestān --- Da Afġānistān Islāmī Jumhoryat --- Afġānistān Islāmī Jumhoryat --- Афганистэн --- Afganistėn --- Афганистэн Мыслимэн Республикэ --- Afganistėn Myslimėn Respublikė --- Islamitiese Republiek van Afghanistan --- Ahyganitã --- Tetã Islãrehegua Ahyganitã --- Ăfqanıstan --- Ăfqanıstan İslam Respublikası --- Afghanstan --- Afghanstan Islam Respublikaḣy --- Афганістан --- Afhanistan --- Ісламская Рэспубліка Афганістан --- Islamskai︠a︡ Rėspublika Afhanistan --- Apganistan --- Islamikong Republika kan Apganistan --- Афганистан --- Ислямска република Афганистан --- Isli︠a︡mska republika Afganistan --- Islamska republika Afganistan --- Republik Islamek Afghanistan --- Afghánská islámská republika --- Affganistan --- Gweriniaeth Islamaidd Affganistan --- Indland --- Ḣindiston Respublikasi --- Republic of India --- Bhārata --- Indii︠a︡ --- Inde --- Indië --- Indien --- Sāthāranarat ʻIndīa --- Yin-tu --- Bharat --- Government of India --- National security --- Sovereignty --- World politics --- Jamhuryat Islami Pakistan --- State of Pakistan --- Islāmī Jumhūriyah Pākistān --- パキスタン --- Pakisutan --- West Pakistan (Pakistan) --- Jamhuri-ye Islami-ye Afghanistan --- アフガニスタン --- Afuganisutan --- インド --- Indo --- هند --- Индия
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Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Kirkuk -- Approaches to resolving ethno-territorial disputes -- Territorial compromise -- Power-sharing arrangements -- Other influences on solutions to ethno-territorial disputes -- Society -- Role of elites -- Role of third parties -- Case studies -- Brcko -- Background -- Relevance to Kirkuk -- Mostar -- Background -- Relevance to Kirkuk -- Northern Ireland -- Background -- Relevance to Kirkuk -- Jerusalem -- Background -- Relevance to Kirkuk -- Lessons for Kirkuk and how they can be applied -- Substantive issues -- Sovereignty and territorial control -- Power-sharing -- Autonomy -- Political elites and ethnic outbidding -- Security -- Dispute resolution process -- The roles of third parties -- International administration -- Timelines -- Deferral of contentious issues as "final status" issues -- "Grand bargains" -- Bottom-up versus top-down solutions -- Confidence-building measures -- Society and local leadership -- Can outside actors facilitate a solution for Kirkuk?.
Ethnic conflict --- Compromise formation --- Iraq War, 2003-2011 --- Regions & Countries - Asia & the Middle East --- History & Archaeology --- Middle East --- History --- Social aspects --- Political aspects --- Anglo-American Invasion of Iraq, 2003-2011 --- Dawn, Operation New, 2010-2011 --- Gulf War II, 2003-2011 --- Iraqi Freedom, Operation, 2003-2010 --- New Dawn, Operation, 2010-2011 --- Operation Iraqi Freedom, 2003-2010 --- Operation New Dawn, 2010-2011 --- Operation Telic, 2003-2011 --- Persian Gulf War, 2003-2011 --- Telic, Operation, 2003-2011 --- Conflict, Ethnic --- Ethnic violence --- Inter-ethnic conflict --- Interethnic conflict --- War on Terrorism, 2001-2009 --- Repression (Psychology) --- Ethnic relations --- Social conflict --- Karkūk (Iraq) --- Political aspects. --- Karkh Slukh (Iraq) --- Kerkouk (Iraq) --- Kerkuk (Iraq) --- Kirkūk (Iraq)
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Examines Chinese engagement with African nations, focusing on (1) Chinese and African objectives in the political and economic spheres and how they work to achieve them, (2) African perceptions of Chinese engagement, (3) how China has adjusted its policies to accommodate African views, and (4) whether the United States and China are competing for influence, access, and resources in Africa and how they might cooperate in the region.
Africa -- Relations -- China. --- China -- Foreign public opinion, African. --- China -- Relations -- Africa. --- Regions & Countries - Asia & the Middle East --- History & Archaeology --- East Asia --- Regions & Countries - Africa --- China --- Africa --- Relations --- Foreign public opinion, African. --- Cina --- Kinë --- Cathay --- Chinese National Government --- Chung-kuo kuo min cheng fu --- Republic of China (1912-1949) --- Kuo min cheng fu (China : 1912-1949) --- Chung-hua min kuo (1912-1949) --- Kina (China) --- National Government (1912-1949) --- China (Republic : 1912-1949) --- People's Republic of China --- Chinese People's Republic --- Chung-hua jen min kung ho kuo --- Central People's Government of Communist China --- Chung yang jen min cheng fu --- Chung-hua chung yang jen min kung ho kuo --- Central Government of the People's Republic of China --- Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo --- Zhong hua ren min gong he guo --- Kitaĭskai︠a︡ Narodnai︠a︡ Respublika --- Činská lidová republika --- RRT --- Republik Rakjat Tiongkok --- KNR --- Kytaĭsʹka Narodna Respublika --- Jumhūriyat al-Ṣīn al-Shaʻbīyah --- RRC --- Kitaĭ --- Kínai Népköztársaság --- Chūka Jinmin Kyōwakoku --- Erets Sin --- Sin --- Sāthāranarat Prachāchon Čhīn --- P.R. China --- PR China --- Chung-kuo --- Zhongguo --- Zhonghuaminguo (1912-1949) --- Zhong guo --- Chine --- République Populaire de Chine --- República Popular China --- Catay --- VR China --- VRChina --- 中國 --- Jhongguó --- Bu̇gu̇de Nayiramdaxu Dundadu Arad Ulus --- Bu̇gu̇de Nayiramdaqu Dumdadu Arad Ulus --- Bu̇gd Naĭramdakh Dundad Ard Uls --- Khi︠a︡tad --- Kitad --- Dumdadu Ulus --- Dumdad Uls --- Думдад Улс --- Kitajska --- 中国 --- 中华人民共和国 --- China (Republic : 1949- ) --- Eastern Hemisphere --- PRC --- P.R.C. --- BNKhAU --- БНХАУ
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"This report examines the potential implications for the region if the Kurdistan Region of northern Iraq were at some point to declare its secession from Iraq. Specifically, the authors analyze the interests of three key regional neighbors--the Iraqi central government, Turkey, and Iran--and explore policies each actor may pursue in response to Kurdish independence. The authors discuss the possible responses of Baghdad, Ankara, and Tehran under three different scenarios: a unilateral declaration of Kurdish independence that is broadly opposed by the region, a "last man standing" scenario in which the Iraqi state collapses and the Kurdistan Regional Government becomes an independent state, and a gradual estrangement between Erbil and Baghdad. The authors also consider how each of these scenarios could be influenced by a resurgence of Kurdish nationalism in which Kurdish populations in Iran, Turkey, or Syria not only support the establishment of a sovereign Kurdistan in northern Iraq, but even seek to join the new nation"--Publisher's description
Kurds --- Politics and government --- Government relations. --- 2000-2099 --- Kurdistān (Iraq) --- Iraq. --- Iraq --- Foreign relations. --- History --- Autonomy and independence movements. --- Forecasting.
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To help U.S. policymakers prepare for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq in late 2011, this paper presents options for mitigating the risks of Arab-Kurd conflict and suggests mechanisms through which U.S. government entities -- both civilian and military -- could work to alleviate tensions in northern Iraq. The authors discuss the feasibility of a range of confidence-building measures that could help Arabs and Kurds build trust and avoid conflicts that might derail peaceful efforts to resolve Iraq's fundamental political challenges. They conclude that such efforts are unlikely to contain Arab-Kurd violence over the long-term absent a national-level agreement regarding federalism, the legal and political status of disputed territories, and the management of oil and gas resources. However, by managing local disputes, confidence-building measures may be able to prevent violence long enough for Iraq's politicians to resolve these broader issues.
Arabs --- Kurds --- Iraq War, 2003-2011 --- Disengagement (Military science) --- Peace. --- Iraq --- Ethnic relations.
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The five U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) Regional Centers for Security Studies have been helping partner nations build strategic capacity for almost 20 years. However, recent DoD budget constraints have put pressure on the regional centers (RCs) to increase efficiency. The Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD) asked RAND to conduct a study on the overall impact of the RCs, their effectiveness in advancing DoD policy priorities, the ways in which they assess their programs, and ways in which they could improve their impact and efficiency and the resulting outcomes. The RAND study team found that centers have had great success at the missions they have undertaken. They are high-impact components of U.S. security cooperation and engagement efforts, despite their relatively small budgets. The team identified 24 ways in which the centers advance U.S. interests, including building partner capacity, building relationships, fostering pro-U.S. outlooks, offering unique opportunities for engagement, and promoting regional dialogue that reduces tensions. However, RCs should improve impact-oriented data collection and analysis for improved assessment, methodically collecting such data over time. OSD and the combatant commands should improve their oversight and management of the RCs to ensure alignment with department- and theater-level objectives. In addition, OSD should maintain the RCs' focus on regional security challenges rather than refashioning them to address specific threats. Options to consider for greater impact include evaluating the balance between core residential courses and in-region workshops and determining whether and to what extent the centers should develop customized programs for DoD components so as to secure funds beyond the core budget they receive from OSD.
National security --- Military assistance, American --- Military & Naval Science --- Law, Politics & Government --- Armies --- International cooperation --- American military assistance --- United States. --- Management --- Evaluation. --- D.O.D. --- DOD (Department of Defense) --- Mei-kuo kuo fang pu --- Ministerstvo oborony SShA --- National Military Establishment (U.S.) --- Министерство обороны США --- Military assistance, American. --- International cooperation.
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Since its establishment in 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has viewed itself as an underdeveloped country-economically backward, physically weak, and vulnerable to exploitation by more powerful states. Even as the PRC has grown stronger economically and militarily, especially since launching the reform and opening policies of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, PRC officials continue to insist China is a developing country. In the initial stages of reform and opening, China's relations with the developed world were shaped by its desire to expand trade and attract investment. In the 1990s, China increased its attention to the Developing World, negotiating economic agreements and creating new China-centric institutions. This accelerated in the 2000s and especially after the 2008 financial crisis, when there were worldwide doubts about the developed-world, and especially the U.S., economic model. China's attention to the Developing World has culminated in numerous institutions and in the new Belt and Road Initiative. The authors analyze China's political and diplomatic, economic, and military engagement with the Developing World, region by region, focusing on the 21st century through the beginning of the Belt and Road Initiative, an ambitious vision that builds on China's previous activities. The authors discuss specific countries in each region-so-called pivotal states-that are most important to China. The authors show that China has oriented its security concerns and its overall engagement in concentric circles of importance. Near neighbors merit the most attention. The authors conclude with policy implications for the United States.
China --- Economic policy --- Since 2000
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"This report presents findings from an examination of six historical case studies in which the mission of special operations forces (SOF) in each of the six countries transitioned over time to include some level of inclusion in the U.S. embassy's Security Cooperation Office (SCO). The authors provide background and context for SOF missions in Iraq, Jordan, Pakistan, the Philippines, Uganda, and Yemen and explain the interactions and relationships between SOF organizations and personnel in the U.S. country team in each embassy. Drawing on existing literature and extensive interviews with mission stakeholders, the authors characterize how U.S. SOF transitions in each of these nations have affected SOF's ability to conduct ongoing missions, and they derive best practices for SOF when transitioning to a SCO in general and for NATO Special Operations Component Command-Afghanistan/Special Operations Joint Task Force-Afghanistan to transition to a SCO in particular"--Publisher's web site.
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