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The military conflict in the early 1990s split Moldova into two; thus Transnistria, which was set up on the eastern bank of the Dniester river as a se - parate state, remains unrecognised by the international community to date. This breakaway province has grown stronger, as today it possesses almost all the internal attributes of statehood, including an effective political system, an army and its own currency. The memory of the 1992 conflict, in which around one thousand people were killed, is the founding myth of Transnistria, and hostility towards Moldova has been used by the political elite in Tiraspol as a foundation of the state ideology and a key propaganda tool. The Transnistrian problem is usually seen as analogous to a few other separatist conflicts which broke out twenty years ago as a consequence of the fall of the Soviet empire and have not yet been resolved in a manner which would satisfy all the parties involved and also gain support from the major international actors. However, the Transnistrian conflict is clear - ly different in its nature from the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Relations between Moldova proper and this breakaway province cannot be described by simple definitions or seemingly obvious analogies.
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The Orange Revolution expressed the people’s hopes for, and the leaders’ pledge to carry out, reforms that would remedy the political, social and eco nomic situation in Ukraine after a decade of rule by Leonid Kuchma. The fifth anniversary of those mass protests against ballot rigging, and the final period of the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, who then em bodied the hopes for a new start, is an appropriate time to construct a tentative assessment of the Orange Revolution’s achievements. How did the events of autumn 2004 change Ukraine? Have democratic mechanisms strengthened in Ukraine, and to what extent? Has the post- Soviet oligarchic state model been overcome? Has media freedom expanded? Has there been any progress with regard to economic transformation and has deeper integration with the European structures materialised? Five years on, what remains of the hopes of millions of Ukrainians and of the goodwill of the international community?
Ukraine --- History --- Politics and government --- Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Social Sciences --- Civil Society --- Governance --- Sociology --- Government/Political systems --- International relations/trade --- Politics and society --- Sociology of Politics
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Prowadzona przez Ukrainę od uzyskania niepodległości polityka wielowektorowości, czyli manewrowania między Zachodem i Rosją bez angażowania się w projekty integracyjne którejkolwiek ze stron, miała też swój wymiar gospodarczy. Dla Kijowa jednakowo ważna, choć z różnych przyczyn, była wymiana handlowa z Rosją i innymi państwami poradzieckimi, Unią Europejską oraz resztą świata. Niechęć Ukrainy do podjęcia wiążących decyzji co do kierunku zacieśniania współpracy z Rosją bądź z UE wynikała w dużej mierze z obawy przed negatywnymi konsekwencjami takiego kroku dla stosunków gospodarczych z pozostałymi obszarami. Także ukraińscy oligarchowie, będący głównymi beneficjentami dochodów z eksportu, nie zajmowali wspólnego stanowiska wobec procesów integracyjnych w regionie, zadowalając się stanem zawieszenia, w którym znajdowała się Ukraina.
Ukraine --- Foreign economic relations. --- Commercial policy. --- Politics / Political Sciences --- Politics --- Social Sciences --- Economy --- National Economy --- Governance --- Sociology --- Economic policy --- International relations/trade --- Economic development --- Geopolitics
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