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Les accords de libéralisation des échanges qui ont été signés entre l'Union européenne et les pays du Sud méditerranéen comportent à la fois des risques et des avantages. Ils révèlent également les faiblesses structurelles des pays partenaires, notamment le maintien de comportements de recherche de rente, le cloisonnement des marchés, la faiblesse du secteur privé moderne et les lacunes des systèmes fiscaux. Ces accords portant uniquement sur les produits industriels et non sur les produits agricoles et les services, la concurrence de l'UE risque de supprimer des emplois dans le secteur industriel national sur le court terme. Les auteurs de cette étude soulignent que ces accords pourraient faciliter la restructuration de l'industrie grâce à des transferts financiers, tout comme ils pourraient inciter les producteurs à se diversifier et leur ouvrir de nouveaux débouchés. La mise en œuvre de ces réformes exigera néanmoins une volonté politique de la part des pays du Sud méditerranéen ainsi que des réformes complémentaires de l'Union européenne qui ouvriraient davantage ses marchés pour y inclure les secteurs actuellement exclus du champ d'application des accords. En outre, l'analyse détaillée que font les auteurs des cas de l'Égypte et de la Tunisie montre qu'une réponse régionale aux défis posés par les accords a toutes les chances de s'avérer plus profitable qu'une réponse purement nationale.

MED / Mediterranean - Middellandse Zee - Méditerranée --- 382.52 --- 331.33 --- Handelsakkoorden. Driehoekshandel. Bilateralisme. --- Structureel beleid. Reglementering. Dereglementering. Ordnungspolitik. --- Free trade --- Libre-échange --- Mediterranean Region --- European Union countries --- Méditerranée, Région de la --- Pays de l'Union européenne --- Economic integration --- Intégration économique --- Handelsakkoorden. Driehoekshandel. Bilateralisme --- Structureel beleid. Reglementering. Dereglementering. Ordnungspolitik --- International trade

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Les accords de libéralisation des échanges qui ont été signés entre l'Union européenne et les pays du Sud méditerranéen comportent à la fois des risques et des avantages. Ils révèlent également les faiblesses structurelles des pays partenaires, notamment le maintien de comportements de recherche de rente, le cloisonnement des marchés, la faiblesse du secteur privé moderne et les lacunes des systèmes fiscaux. Ces accords portant uniquement sur les produits industriels et non sur les produits agricoles et les services, la concurrence de l'UE risque de supprimer des emplois dans le secteur industriel national sur le court terme. Les auteurs de cette étude soulignent que ces accords pourraient faciliter la restructuration de l'industrie grâce à des transferts financiers, tout comme ils pourraient inciter les producteurs à se diversifier et leur ouvrir de nouveaux débouchés. La mise en œuvre de ces réformes exigera néanmoins une volonté politique de la part des pays du Sud méditerranéen ainsi que des réformes complémentaires de l'Union européenne qui ouvriraient davantage ses marchés pour y inclure les secteurs actuellement exclus du champ d'application des accords. En outre, l'analyse détaillée que font les auteurs des cas de l'Égypte et de la Tunisie montre qu'une réponse régionale aux défis posés par les accords a toutes les chances de s'avérer plus profitable qu'une réponse purement nationale.

Free trade --- International trade --- External trade --- Foreign commerce --- Foreign trade --- Global commerce --- Global trade --- Trade, International --- World trade --- Commerce --- International economic relations --- Non-traded goods --- Free trade and protection --- Trade, Free --- Trade liberalization

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  The trade liberalisation agreements signed between the European Union and the southern Mediterranean countries carry risks as well as benefits. They reveal structural weaknesses in the partner countries, including continued rent seeking, market segmentation, a weak modern private sector and inadequate fiscal systems. In the short term, since the agreements only cover industrial goods and not agriculture or services, there is a risk of job losses in the domestic industrial sector due to competition from the EU. The authors of this study highlight the opportunities the agreements offer for supporting reforms to encourage industrial restructuring through financial transfers, providing incentives for producers to diversify, and securing new markets. Achieving the reforms, however, will require political will in the southern Mediterranean countries and complementary reforms in the European Union to open its markets further to include those sectors currently excluded from the agreements. Moreover, as demonstrated by the authors' detailed analysis of the Egyptian and Tunisian cases, a regional response to the challenges posed by the agreements is likely to bring more benefits than a purely national response.  The trade liberalisation agreements signed between the European Union and the southern Mediterranean countries carry risks as well as benefits. They reveal structural weaknesses in the partner countries, including continued rent seeking, market segmentation, a weak modern private sector and inadequate fiscal systems. In the short term, since the agreements only cover industrial goods and not agriculture or services, there is a risk of job losses in the domestic industrial sector due to competition from the EU.The authors of this study highlight the opportunities the agreements offer for supporting reforms to encourage industrial restructuring through financial transfers, providing incentives for producers to diversify, and securing new markets. Achieving the reforms, however, will require political will in the southern Mediterranean countries and complementary reforms in the European Union to open its markets further to include those sectors currently excluded from the agreements. Moreover, as demonstrated by the authors' detailed analysis of the Egyptian and Tunisian cases, a regional response to the challenges posed by the agreements is likely to bring more benefits than a purely national response.

Foreign trade. International trade --- International economic relations --- Economic geography --- European Union --- North Africa

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In the context of the partnership agreement signed between Tunisia and the European Union in 1995, talks will begin in the year 2000 on the liberalisation of their agricultural trade. Tunisia’s political attachment to Europe will give the country the opportunity to diversify agricultural policy. Hitherto based on achieving self sufficiency in food, this policy has resulted in poor resource allocation. The goal now is to find the least costly means of reforming Tunisian agricultural policy, particularly for rural households, while seeking the extent to which Europe could help in the transition towards a more dynamic agricultural sector. With the assistance of a dynamic general equilibrium model, this technical paper examines a number of scenarios for Tunisian agriculture towards 2010. It finds that in the absence of EU concessions, which could take the form of the removal of tariff quotas, it would not be in Tunisia’s interest to reduce support for agriculture and lower its own ...

Development --- European Union --- Tunisia

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With growing international skilled labor mobility, education and migration decisions have become increasingly inter-related, and potentially have a large impact on the growth trajectories of source countries, through their effects on labor supply, savings, or the cost of education. The authors develop a generic dynamic general equilibrium model to analyze the education-migration nexus in a consistent framework. They use the model as a laboratory to test empirical conditions for the existence of net brain gain, that is, greater domestic accumulation of human capital (in per capita terms) with greater migration of skilled workers. The results suggest that although some structural parameters can favor simultaneously greater human capital accumulation and greater skilled migration - such as high ratio of remittances over domestic incomes, high dependency ratios in migrant households, low dependency ratios in source countries, increasing returns to scale in the education sector, technological transfers and export market access with Diasporas, and efficient financial markets - this does not necessarily mean that greater migration encourages the constitution of greater stocks of human capital in source countries.

Currencies and Exchange Rates --- Debt Markets --- Dependency ratios --- Economic Theory and Research --- Education --- Emerging Markets --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Health, Nutrition and Population --- Human capital --- Inequality --- Investment and Investment Climate --- Labor Markets --- Labor Policies --- Labor supply --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Migrant --- Migration --- Policy research --- Policy research working paper --- Population Policies --- Poverty Reduction --- Private Sector Development --- Progress --- Remittances --- Skilled workers --- Social Protections and Labor --- Tertiary Education