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This book considers the environmental policies that the EU employs outside its borders. Using a systematic and coherent approach to cover a range of EU activities, environmental issues, and geographical areas, it charts the EU’s attempts to shape environmental governance beyond its borders. Key questions addressed include: What environmental norms, rules and policies does the EU seek to promote outside its territory? What types of activities does the EU engage in to pursue these objectives? How successful is the EU in achieving its external environmental policy objectives? What factors explain the degree to which the EU attains its goals? The book will be of interest to students and academics as well as practitioners in governments (both inside and outside of the EU), the EU institutions, think tanks, and research institutes.
Environmental policy --- #SBIB:327.7H230 --- #SBIB:35H434 --- Europese Unie: beleid: algemeen --- Beleidssectoren: milieubeleid en ruimtelijke ordening --- Political science. --- Public policy. --- European Union. --- International organization. --- Political Science and International Relations. --- European Union Politics. --- Public Policy. --- Governance and Government. --- International Organization. --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The --- Federation, International --- Global governance --- Interdependence of nations --- International administration --- International federation --- Organization, International --- World federation --- World government --- World order --- World organization --- Congresses and conventions --- International relations --- Peace --- Political science --- International agencies --- International cooperation --- Security, International --- World politics
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This book considers the environmental policies that the EU employs outside its borders. Using a systematic and coherent approach to cover a range of EU activities, environmental issues, and geographical areas, it charts the EU’s attempts to shape environmental governance beyond its borders. Key questions addressed include: What environmental norms, rules and policies does the EU seek to promote outside its territory? What types of activities does the EU engage in to pursue these objectives? How successful is the EU in achieving its external environmental policy objectives? What factors explain the degree to which the EU attains its goals? The book will be of interest to students and academics as well as practitioners in governments (both inside and outside of the EU), the EU institutions, think tanks, and research institutes.
International relations. Foreign policy --- Politics --- Economic policy and planning (general) --- International law --- Public administration --- overheid --- politiek --- Europese instellingen --- Europese politiek --- internationale organisaties --- European Union --- Europe
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With the current rise of environmental concerns over the issue of climate change, national and subnational governments are required to create action plans to deal with these challenges. In creating these plans however, special attention is needed for the societal consequences of government policies, both on the nation/region as a whole and on specific communities and even individuals. This idea, which became known under the concept of just transition, has come ever closer to the forefront since its initial conception in the ‘70s. The goal of this thesis was to examine the just transition approach of two most critical cases, namely of the coal mining region in Silesia, Poland and North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. Via the conducting of a qualitative data analysis of government documents, NGO reports and academic papers, the degree of a just transition in both region’s approaches was examined. This was further supported by a series of eight online interviews with experts on the issue, with both Polish and German backgrounds. By operationalizing the concept of just transition according to the international labour organisation, three examinable criteria, local sensitivity, global impact and policy creation/social dialogue, were deduced and compared to the policies of the two cases. The analysis shows quite diverging approaches in the two regions, with the German case in general proving to be a successful transition, whilst the Silesian region underperforms on all of the ILO categories. With regards the North Rhine-Westphalia, substantial social dialogue, supported by reliable funding and early economic diversification led to an ambitious climate policy, high standard of living and economic growth. Silesia in comparison is benefitting less of these factors, as it currently finds itself in an economic and institutional lock-in. Caused by a lack of comprehensive supporting policies, hostile mining unions and unreliable funding, Silesia isn’t able to as of yet achieve a truly just transition. This in turn has also contributed to a lower standard of living compared to the European average and Polish climate policy being among the least ambitious in the EU. This analysis shows the possible lessons Silesia and other carbon heavy regions can learn from the German case, with particular focus on meaningful social dialogue and economic diversification through innovation. Future research can benefit from increased comparative research, as to both create more empirical evidence and control for the external validity of the presented results. Current trends in both cases, with civil society protests in North Rhine-Westphalia (for example the Hambacher forest) against expansion of open cast mining, and the influence of the global pandemic on coal mining in Silesia, did not fall under the scope of this thesis but are nevertheless worthwhile subjects for future examination.
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Executive Summary This thesis the effectiveness of the inclusion of environmental provisions in EU trade agreements. It examined the effectiveness in terms of output, focusing on the legal framework of domestic environmental standards, and on the outcome, concentrating on the institutionalization of environmental standards through public participation and the empowerment of civil society. These factors have been established by conducting of a literature review on EU’s external governance as well as on the conceptualizatoin of effectiveness with regard to environmental provisions. It analysis the outcome and output by conducting a summative content analysis based on the within-case study of the EU-Colombia and Peru trade agreement (2012). The thesis contributes to extant literature of EU’s external governance foreign policy tools and to the conceptualization of effectiveness with regard to environmental provisions. Additionally, the research provides some primitive policy recommendations with regard to the improvement of compliance of environmental standards commitments and the improvement of the institutionalization of environmental standards. The thesis finds that with its seven years of operating the environmental provisions included in the EU-COLPER trade agreement have not been effective. Key words: EU trade agreements, environmental provisions, effectiveness, output, outcome, external governance, Colombia, Peru, institutionalization, public participation, civil society dialogue.
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The research aims to comprehensively assess the status of the Italian hydrogen strategy and its potential contribution to achieving European CO2 emission reduction targets within the industrial sector. Through an analysis of Italy's hydrogen strategy, the "National Integrated Plan for Energy and Climate" (PNIEC), and related hydrogen-focused regulations, the study seeks to identify strengths and weaknesses in this approach. To enhance the relevance of the analysis, a comparative study between Italy and Japan is crucial. The study investigates the efficacy of hydrogen policy implementation in Japan and Italy, two countries facing similar challenges due to limited fossil fuel resources and import dependence. While both countries share commonalities, their differing implementation timelines and target priorities yield insightful outcomes. Analyzing Japan's case reveals that although they were early adopters of hydrogen policies, their emphasis on integrating hydrogen into daily life rather than prioritizing industrial sectors, particularly hard-to-abate industries, hindered the desired outcomes. In Italy, the lack of a well-defined national hydrogen strategy is a major hurdle. While European guidelines are adopted, they lack context-specific legal frameworks, resulting in a paradox where funding supports initiatives without a suitable policy base. Despite the challenges, this research contributes valuable insights by highlighting pitfalls to avoid in green hydrogen policy implementation. However, the evolving nature of technology and strategies makes the field's trajectory uncertain.
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The thesis focuses on the question: How does the G20 influence the advancement of COP outputs? The research analyses global environmental governance by looking at the effectiveness of G20 forums’ influence on COP negotiations under the UNFCCC as a first step towards rising political willingness for adopting comprehensive commitments. It analysed the effectiveness of terms of overlap in the output between the G20 and the UNFCCC. The research objectives have been established after conducting a literature review on minilateralism in global environmental governance and on an analytical framework conceptualizing effectiveness with regard to institutional interaction. Analysis was conduced as deductive content analysis, based on within-case study of the G20 commitments and COP agreements. The thesis finds empirical evidence that the correlation between the G20 output and COP output exists, suggesting that G20 could influence COP agreements. The thesis contributed to the literature on minilateralism in global environmental governance, by analysing the effectiveness of the G20 as a complementary institution to the UNFCCC. The findings suggests that the G20 could be an appropriate minilateral initiative for improving global climate governance and further improve agreements made under the UNFCCC process and overcome the multilateral gridlock. Additionally, the research provides recommendations for further research.
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The thesis aims to explore the possible relationship between the composition of national delegations, in terms of what ministries are represented, and the ambition of the delegation’s positions at the 2019 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP25). Inspired by assumptions of bureaucratic politics that different ministries approach the same issue with different sets of perspectives, tactics, expertise, and preferences, the study of these ministries allows us to understand where a delegation stands at the negotiation table. In particular, the thesis looks at the proportion of each ministry’s personnel relative to the delegation’s total number of negotiators. The thesis employs a mixed-method research design, with results of the quantitative cross-sectional study being explored by the qualitative case study. The cross-sectional study surveys the ministerial proportion and ambition of negotiating positions of 35 delegations at COP25. Correlational analysis through SPSS is performed to find any possible relationship. Two explanatory mechanisms are then formulated, one of which is tested by a case study on the Belize delegation. For the cross-sectional component, content analysis is the primary data collection method, because data related to country’s positions and delegation’s compositions can be found in official documents such as participants’ lists, reports of conference proceedings, and other submissions to UNFCCC bodies. Interview with a Belizean delegate, primary source documents, and academic articles provide information for the case study. Spearman’s rho is chosen to perform the correlational analysis because the presumed independent variables (proportions of each ministry’s personnel) have an interval value, while the dependent variables (ambitiousness of positions) have an ordinal, ranked value. Quantitative findings show that there is positive correlation between the presence of Environmental Ministry negotiators and ambition, (partially) negative correlation for the Foreign Ministry, and inconclusive evidence for the role of the Economic Ministry. Two causal mechanisms are proposed to explain how negotiators from these ministries may influence their delegation's ambition. For the Environmental Ministry, their officials are often tasked with issues deemed to be technical in nature. As Environmental Ministries are typically promoters of environmental regulation, the negotiators formulate a highly ambitious position for the issues under their jurisdiction. For the Foreign Ministry, diplomats tend to be entrusted with issues considered to have high political consequences. Due to their training which emphasizes pragmatism, these officials have a tendency to resort to bargaining behavior – which entails manipulative tactics, threats and rewards, may prompt them to arrive at the negotiating table with an unusually low ambition level. The case study of Belize gives weight to the causal mechanism for the Environmental Ministry above, which is especially applicable to developing countries which have high ambitions and are represented predominantly by this type of ministry. Further research could focus on longitudinal studies of many COPs so as to establish a strong causal mechanism, based on the framework suggested here. Another direction is to study how domestic actors develop, sustain and lose specific framings of international climatic issues, which could help use figure out a way to identity and support ambitious actors.
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