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« Le ressentiment, l’indignation, la colère, la défiance et l’anxiété sont désormais omniprésents dans l’espace public, mais certaines voix s’élèvent pour réclamer le droit à un avenir meilleur. Se mettre à l’écoute des revendications collectives, aussi hétérogènes qu’elles puissent sembler (féministes, antiracistes, écologistes, etc. ), c’est devenir sensible à des trajectoires de vie, à des désirs singuliers qui incitent des femmes et des hommes à se montrer inventifs pour transformer la société. D’un autre côté, la frustration prend parfois un chemin mortifère, s’inscrivant dans une dynamique paranoïaque, une radicalisation des pensées. Comment la revendication reste-t-elle porteuse d’avenir, et en vertu de quels mécanismes risque-t-elle au contraire de se retrouver du côté de la haine, de la destructivité ou même du meurtre ? J’ai voulu dans ce livre découvrir moins “si” que “comment” revendiquer peut être un bien en démocratie. J’invite le lecteur à un voyage sur des eaux tumultueuses : des Gilets jaunes aux antivax, du mouvement #MeToo à Black Lives Matter en passant par les revendications LGBTQIA+, ce livre offre des outils pour mieux comprendre les débats contemporains. » B. L.
Political participation --- Demonstrations --- Government, Resistance to
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"This book revisits the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon in the United States, which is characterized by a sudden and sharp increase in the public approval rating of the sitting US president in response to a war or security crisis. Notably, relatively few wars and security crises have generated rallies. Therefore, the book examines the conditions and processes through which rallies have emerged. The first chapter characterizes the rally phenomenon, explains its political importance, and discusses the book's broader contribution. The following theoretical discussion (Chapters 2-3) critically assesses the relevance of influential arguments about public opinion for the rally phenomenon and then introduces a novel rally theory. Five empirical chapters feature an extensive comparative investigation of public reactions to US military actions and security crises in the years 1950-2020, through which the author identifies the unique sets of conditions for the emergence of rallies in this period. A sixth empirical chapter analyzes survey data to identify the individual-level mechanism of attitude shifts during rally periods. The findings reveal that rally periods have emerged in the United States in the focal period only under circumstances that lead most Americans to believe it was necessary to take military action to maintain or restore collective honor and gain the respect of other nations. In most rallies, a desire to restore collective honor and prestige stemmed from a preexisting feeling of national humiliation. In response, presidential rhetoric that appealed to national sentiment to justify military action and marked the target around a despised national enemy evoked positive emotions that motivated the majority in the public to rally behind the commander-in-chief. The book concludes by proposing future directions for research on the rally phenomenon in the United States and other countries"--
Political science --- World politics --- Nationalism --- Demonstrations
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In the face of rising authoritarianism and on the heels of urgent struggle, autonomy calls to us. How might we excavate the theory and history of autonomous politics to arrive at new possibilities for radical democracy and the radical imaginary? How can we rethink the ways in which artistic autonomy is theorized and practiced beyond the shrunken horizon of liberal individualism? How might we understand political and artistic autonomies as linked, rather than diametrically opposed? And what role does radical pedagogy have to play in all of this?Framed by the thought of Cornelius Castoriadis, and engaging with Marxist, Black Radical, and Feminist approaches to liberation, as well as movements such as Occupy, Black Lives Matter, Me Too, Letters on the Autonomy Project understands autonomy to be the capacity of a society, a community or an individual to modify its form. As Castoriadis argues, the struggle for self-determination requires unlimited questioning of the way things are, but also that we do or make something new in light of this interrogation. Autonomy is thus equally a project for thought, for education, for politics, and for art.Stylistically, these open letters, addressed inclusively to artists, activists, and academics, are modeled on the philosophical letters of Friedrich Schiller on the one hand and the revolutionary communiqués of the Zapatistas on the other. Performing a kind of writing-as-praxis, they seek to grasp the potential of our moment with reference to historical and contemporary instances of political autonomy, notions of artistic autonomy, and art practices that connect the two. They also look at the possibilities of educating for autonomy, which cannot itself be taught. If we are indeed living in a time of creative struggle to remake the whole of society, then an understanding of the autonomy project – and how theory, pedagogy, activism, and art might contribute to it – is of burning relevance.
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In the tumultuous aftermath of the Arab uprisings, Tunisia charted a unique path that has earned it praise as 'a beacon of hope' in a troubled region. Since the 2011 revolution, it has embraced a new culture of democracy, based on pluralism, civilian rule and the peaceful transfer of power. Equally noteworthy are the country's burgeoning civil society, its various institutional reforms and its progressive new constitution, which upholds individual freedoms and champions women's rights. But in spite of these achievements, daunting challenges remain. Although Tunisia has succeeded in defusing many crises, its transition has been uneasy; its democracy is fragile and its future continues to be uncertain. As the country emerges from decades of authoritarian rule, it faces enormous political, social, economic and security challenges, which are undermining its peaceful evolution. It is this state of fragility that 'A Fledgling Democracy' seeks to capture. Focusing on the socio-political dynamics that have unfolded in this North African nation since the revolution, the contributors to this volume shed light on how Tunisia has navigated its first decade of democratic transition, and reflect on what the ongoing changes and challenges mean for the country today
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In the face of rising authoritarianism and on the heels of urgent struggle, autonomy calls to us. How might we excavate the theory and history of autonomous politics to arrive at new possibilities for radical democracy and the radical imaginary? How can we rethink the ways in which artistic autonomy is theorized and practiced beyond the shrunken horizon of liberal individualism? How might we understand political and artistic autonomies as linked, rather than diametrically opposed? And what role does radical pedagogy have to play in all of this?Framed by the thought of Cornelius Castoriadis, and engaging with Marxist, Black Radical, and Feminist approaches to liberation, as well as movements such as Occupy, Black Lives Matter, Me Too, Letters on the Autonomy Project understands autonomy to be the capacity of a society, a community or an individual to modify its form. As Castoriadis argues, the struggle for self-determination requires unlimited questioning of the way things are, but also that we do or make something new in light of this interrogation. Autonomy is thus equally a project for thought, for education, for politics, and for art.Stylistically, these open letters, addressed inclusively to artists, activists, and academics, are modeled on the philosophical letters of Friedrich Schiller on the one hand and the revolutionary communiqués of the Zapatistas on the other. Performing a kind of writing-as-praxis, they seek to grasp the potential of our moment with reference to historical and contemporary instances of political autonomy, notions of artistic autonomy, and art practices that connect the two. They also look at the possibilities of educating for autonomy, which cannot itself be taught. If we are indeed living in a time of creative struggle to remake the whole of society, then an understanding of the autonomy project – and how theory, pedagogy, activism, and art might contribute to it – is of burning relevance.
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The lower Georges River, on Dharawal and Dharug lands, was a place of fishing grounds, swimming holes and picnics in the early twentieth century. But this all changed after World War II, when rapidly expanding industry and increasing population fell heaviest on this river, polluting its waters and destroying its bush.
Australasian & Pacific history --- Demonstrations & protest movements --- Environmentalist, conservationist & Green organizations --- Environmental management --- Conservation of the environment --- Pollution & threats to the environment --- environment campaign --- swamps --- mangroves --- resident action --- reclamation
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Protest has been a key method of political claim-making in Jordan from the late Ottoman period to the present day. More than moments of rupture within normal-time politics, protests have been central to challenging state power, as well as reproducing it—and the spatial dynamics of protests play a central role in the construction of both state and society. With this book, Jillian Schwedler considers how space and geography influence protests and repression, and, in challenging conventional narratives of Hashemite state-making, offers the first in-depth study of rebellion in Jordan. Based on twenty-five years of field research, Protesting Jordan examines protests as they are situated in the built environment, bringing together considerations of networks, spatial imaginaries, space and place-making, and political geographies at local, national, regional, and global scales. Schwedler considers the impact of time and temporality in the lifecycles of individual movements. Through a mixed interpretive methodology, this book illuminates the geographies of power and dissent and the spatial practices of protest and repression, highlighting the political stakes of competing narratives about Jordan's past, present, and future.
Demonstrations --- Government, Resistance to --- Protest movements --- Jordan --- Politics and government. --- Jordan. --- contentious politics. --- geography. --- neoliberalism. --- place-making. --- protests. --- scale. --- space. --- state-making.
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From jubilant sports fans celebrating a victory to angry political protestors, crowds create volatile situations that can all too often result in violence or property destruction. Preventing Crowd Violence offers a lucid examination of crowd behavior and of law enforcement tactics designed to deescalate tensions and promote cooperative interactions.
Riots --- Crowds. --- Mobs. --- Violence --- Public safety. --- Safety, Public --- Human services --- Crowds --- Persons --- Collective behavior --- Civil disorders --- Assembly, Right of --- History --- Offenses against public safety --- Political violence --- Demonstrations --- Mobs --- Street fighting (Military science) --- Prevention.
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The series Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Studies (DCLS)is concerned principally with research into those books of the Greek Bible (Septuagint) which are not contained in the Hebrew canon, and into intertestamentary and early Jewish literature from the period around the 3rd century BCE to the 2nd century CE. The series was launched in 2007 in collaboration with the "International Society for the Study of Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature". It provides a logical extension to the Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook, which has been published since 2004.
RELIGION / Ancient. --- Apocrypha. --- Cognate Literature. --- Deuterocanonical Literature. --- Pseudepigrapha. --- Jews --- Riots. --- Persecutions. --- Civil disorders --- Assembly, Right of --- History --- Offenses against public safety --- Political violence --- Crowds --- Demonstrations --- Mobs --- Street fighting (Military science) --- Antisemitism --- Persecution --- Political atrocities --- Bible. --- Criticism, interpretation, etc.
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Maïdan, Tahrir, Gezi, Occupy Walt Street, Nuit debout… Les mouvements des places qui ont émergé au cours des années 2010 dans différentes parties du monde ont rénové l’espace public et signalent une nouvelle manière de faire de la politique. À chaque fois, des individus de tout horizon se réunissent pour résister aux pouvoirs en place, proclamer leur présence sans mettre en avant de leader, partager des émotions, expérimenter 'sur place' une nouvelle convivialité et célébrer leur diversité. Ces citoyens s’emparent des questions d’intérêt général afin de peser concrètement sur le bien commun. La démocratie semble réalisable, ici et maintenant.Comment saisir la signification de ces mouvements ? Annoncent-ils véritablement une nouvelle ère politique ? Ou bien ne sont-ils que des épiphénomènes isolés ? Jusqu’ici, il se sont 'naturellement' essoufflés, ou ont été étouffés par une violente répression. Ne représentent-ils qu’un rêve éphémère ? Rien n’est moins sûr. Les effets de certains perdurent même après leur extinction, comme dans le cas de Maïdan. Surtout, ils mettent en lumière une tendance de fond : la rencontre verticale désormais impossible entre une société hétérogène qui revendique un espace bien réel, et un pouvoir politique national renonçant à sa capacité d’action face aux problèmes d’ordre planétaire que sont la crise financière, la dévastation environnementale, l’expansion du terrorisme ou la pauvreté croissante.L’aspiration portée par ces occupations de la place publique a encore de beaux jours devant elle.
Social movements --- Public spaces --- Political participation --- Social participation --- Government, Resistance to --- Mouvements sociaux --- Espaces publics --- Participation politique --- Participation sociale --- Résistance au gouvernement --- Political aspects. --- Aspect politique --- Espaces publics -- Aspect politique --- Militantisme --- Résistance politique --- Demonstrations
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