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Violent Affections uncovers techniques of power that work to translate emotions into violence against queer people. Based on analysis of over 300 criminal cases of anti-queer violence in Russia before and after the introduction of 'gay propaganda' law, the book shows how violent acts are framed in emotional language by perpetrators during their criminal trials. It then utilises an original methodology of studying 'legal memes' and argues that these individual affective states are directly connected to the political violence aimed at queer lives more generally. The main aim of Violent Affections is to explore the social mechanisms and techniques that impact anti-queer violence evidenced in the reviewed cases. Alexander Sasha Kondakov expands upon two sets of interdisciplinary literature - queer theory and affect theory - in order to conceptualise what is referred to as neo-disciplinary power. Taking the empirical observations from Russia as a starting point, he develops an original explanation of how contemporary power relations are changing from those of late modernity as envisioned by Foucault's Panopticon to neo-disciplinary power relations of a much more fragmented, fluid and unstructured kind - the Memeticon. The book traces how exactly affections circulate from body to body as a kind of virus and eventually invade the body that responds with violence. In this analytic effort, it draws on the arguments from memetics - the theory of how pieces of information pass on from one body to another as they thrive to survive by continuing to resonate. This work makes the argument truly interdisciplinary.
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Roger McDermott traces the origins and trajectory of Moscow's modernization of its armed forces to exploit technology and adopt new approaches to warfare.Drawing extensively on primary sources, McDermott explores the role of Russian military thought in the modernization process, changes in military decisionmaking, developments stemming from Russian military operations in Syria, and other key factors.The result is a thorough assessment of Moscow's efforts to transition its conventional armed forces away from dependence on large numbers of personnel toward more extensive exploitation of information in a digitized, high-technology environment.
Military art and science --- Russia (Federation) --- Russia (Federation)
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Parce qu’elle s’étend de l’Est européen à l’océan Pacifique, la Russie est à la croisée des grandes aires géopolitiques mondiales. Au sud, le Moyen-Orient est perçu comme un arc de crise en proie à l’islamisme, dont les contrecoups se répercutent dans le Caucase, en Asie centrale et dans les républiques musulmanes de la Volga. Au nord, l’océan Arctique semble retrouver la valeur géostratégique qui était la sienne pendant la guerre froide. À cette immensité répondent les ambitions du pouvoir russe. Son projet ? Redonner à la Russie un statut de puissance mondiale, en opposition à l’Occident. Expliquer la géopolitique vue de Moscou, montrer son enracinement dans l’histoire, éclairer les implications de ces conceptions et leurs modalités pratiques en analysant l’évolution des politiques russes, tel est l’objectif de cet ouvrage.
Géopolitique --- Geopolitics --- Geopolitics --- Russia (Federation) --- Russia (Federation) --- Eurasian Union countrie
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Philosophers. --- Philosophy, Russian. --- Russia (Federation).
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De quelle Russie Poutine est-il le maître ? Pour unifier ce peuple pluriel conquis tour à tour par les Vikings et les Mongols, sans véritable frontière naturelle, aussi européen qu’asiatique, la Russie a fait de ses multiples influences son identité propre, quitte à lui forger des légendes. Mais, en jouant de ce passé, elle s’est enfermée et contrainte dans ses rapports au monde extérieur. Telle est la thèse de Mark Galeotti qui, tout en relatant avec brio l’histoire de ce pays-continent en quelques chapitres enlevés, nous donne les clés pour le comprendre. Une réflexion passionnante et accessible, jamais coupée de la Russie moderne, pour mieux appréhender la figure de Vladimir Poutine et le poids de l’Histoire dans la crise géopolitique actuelle.
Russia --- Soviet Union --- Russia (Federation)
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In this book, Vladimir Gel'man considers bad governance as a distinctive politico-economic order that is based on a set of formal and informal rules, norms, and practices quite different from those of good governance. Some countries are governed badly intentionally because the political leaders of these countries establish and maintain rules, norms, and practices that serve their own self-interests. Gel'man considers bad governance as a primarily agency-driven rather than structure-induced phenomenon. He addresses the issue of causes and mechanisms of bad governance in Russia and beyond from a different scholarly optics, which is based on a more general rationale of state-building, political regime dynamics, and policy-making. He argues that although these days, bad governance is almost universally perceived as an anomaly, at least in developed countries, in fact human history is largely a history of ineffective and corrupt governments, while the rule of law and decent state regulatory quality are relatively recent matters of modern history, when they emerged as side effects of state-building. Indeed, the picture is quite the opposite: bad governance is the norm, while good governance is an exception. The problem is that most rulers, especially if their time horizons are short and the external constraints on their behavior are not especially binding, tend to govern their domains in a predatory way because of the prevalence of short-term over long-term incentives. Contemporary Russia may be considered as a prime example of this phenomenon. Using an analysis of case studies of political and policy changes in Russia after the Soviet collapse, Gel'man discusses the logic of building and maintenance of politico-economic order of bad governance in Russia and paths of its possible transformation in a theoretical and comparative perspective.
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In this book, Vladimir Gel'man considers bad governance as a distinctive politico-economic order that is based on a set of formal and informal rules, norms, and practices quite different from those of good governance. Some countries are governed badly intentionally because the political leaders of these countries establish and maintain rules, norms, and practices that serve their own self-interests. Gel'man considers bad governance as a primarily agency-driven rather than structure-induced phenomenon. He addresses the issue of causes and mechanisms of bad governance in Russia and beyond from a different scholarly optics, which is based on a more general rationale of state-building, political regime dynamics, and policy-making. He argues that although these days, bad governance is almost universally perceived as an anomaly, at least in developed countries, in fact human history is largely a history of ineffective and corrupt governments, while the rule of law and decent state regulatory quality are relatively recent matters of modern history, when they emerged as side effects of state-building. Indeed, the picture is quite the opposite: bad governance is the norm, while good governance is an exception. The problem is that most rulers, especially if their time horizons are short and the external constraints on their behavior are not especially binding, tend to govern their domains in a predatory way because of the prevalence of short-term over long-term incentives. Contemporary Russia may be considered as a prime example of this phenomenon. Using an analysis of case studies of political and policy changes in Russia after the Soviet collapse, Gel'man discusses the logic of building and maintenance of politico-economic order of bad governance in Russia and paths of its possible transformation in a theoretical and comparative perspective.
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In this book, Vladimir Gel'man considers bad governance as a distinctive politico-economic order that is based on a set of formal and informal rules, norms, and practices quite different from those of good governance. Some countries are governed badly intentionally because the political leaders of these countries establish and maintain rules, norms, and practices that serve their own self-interests. Gel'man considers bad governance as a primarily agency-driven rather than structure-induced phenomenon. He addresses the issue of causes and mechanisms of bad governance in Russia and beyond from a different scholarly optics, which is based on a more general rationale of state-building, political regime dynamics, and policy-making. He argues that although these days, bad governance is almost universally perceived as an anomaly, at least in developed countries, in fact human history is largely a history of ineffective and corrupt governments, while the rule of law and decent state regulatory quality are relatively recent matters of modern history, when they emerged as side effects of state-building. Indeed, the picture is quite the opposite: bad governance is the norm, while good governance is an exception. The problem is that most rulers, especially if their time horizons are short and the external constraints on their behavior are not especially binding, tend to govern their domains in a predatory way because of the prevalence of short-term over long-term incentives. Contemporary Russia may be considered as a prime example of this phenomenon. Using an analysis of case studies of political and policy changes in Russia after the Soviet collapse, Gel'man discusses the logic of building and maintenance of politico-economic order of bad governance in Russia and paths of its possible transformation in a theoretical and comparative perspective.
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"Russian Realism analyzes Russian contemporary geopolitical thinking, or realism, and explores the notion of Derzhava as the foundation of Russian realism. The author defines Russian realists as all those favoring actions by the Russian state in defense of its interests, including protection of national sovereignty, security, power, and prestige on the international scene. What makes Russian realism distinct is its 'vision of Russianness' formed by the country's historical, cultural/religious experience, and its semi-peripheral position in the international system. The vision stresses the importance of survival, preservation of strong state, and protection of national interests from external infringement. Mainstream literature, especially in the West, tends to ignore Russian theoretical debates and narratives; this book remedies this by providing significant insights into Russian realist thinking. It explores the historical unfolding of the longstanding national debates about Russia's role in Europe / the West and how realists have reframed these debates in response to multiple international and domestic developments. The book also identifies distinct groups and debates within the broad school of Russian realism. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of Russian foreign policy, IR theory, diplomatic studies, political science, and European history. It will also appeal to a broader general audience of those interested in Russia and international politics"--
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