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The socialist states of Eastern Europe closely and suspiciously observed the expellee organizations that had emerged in the Federal Republic since the late 1940s, including their political activities. This volume, for the first time, takes a look at this 'enemy and foreign observation' by the intelligence services, using various case studies from the GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia. It examines what the secret services knew about the expellee functionaries and their past, and asks what information was collected and how it was used. In addition, the role of the Germans who remained in the socialist states and the Aussiedler, who came to the FRG and formed a link between the expellees and their 'old homeland', is examined. The volume thus makes an important contribution to research on the perception of the expellee organizations in the socialist states, on the work of the security services, and on bilateral contacts during the 'Cold War'.

National socialism.

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By analyzing Warsaw's Yiddish daily press, this volume reveals how Polish Jews gained and disseminated subversive knowledge of National Socialist Germany in spite of censorship and repression, and also initiated campaigns of protest and solidarity to the benefit of the people being persecuted there.

National socialism.

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• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

The socialist states of Eastern Europe closely and suspiciously observed the expellee organizations that had emerged in the Federal Republic since the late 1940s, including their political activities. This volume, for the first time, takes a look at this 'enemy and foreign observation' by the intelligence services, using various case studies from the GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia. It examines what the secret services knew about the expellee functionaries and their past, and asks what information was collected and how it was used. In addition, the role of the Germans who remained in the socialist states and the Aussiedler, who came to the FRG and formed a link between the expellees and their 'old homeland', is examined. The volume thus makes an important contribution to research on the perception of the expellee organizations in the socialist states, on the work of the security services, and on bilateral contacts during the 'Cold War'.

National socialism.

Choose an application

• Reference Manager
• EndNote
• RefWorks (Direct export to RefWorks)

The socialist states of Eastern Europe closely and suspiciously observed the expellee organizations that had emerged in the Federal Republic since the late 1940s, including their political activities. This volume, for the first time, takes a look at this 'enemy and foreign observation' by the intelligence services, using various case studies from the GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia. It examines what the secret services knew about the expellee functionaries and their past, and asks what information was collected and how it was used. In addition, the role of the Germans who remained in the socialist states and the Aussiedler, who came to the FRG and formed a link between the expellees and their 'old homeland', is examined. The volume thus makes an important contribution to research on the perception of the expellee organizations in the socialist states, on the work of the security services, and on bilateral contacts during the 'Cold War'.

National socialism.

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Politicised feelings: This reversal of often talked about emotionalised politics tries to make clear that feelings have a genuine political dimension, which consists in their collectivising effect. If one manages to democratise them, they can be decisive for social change. Disgust, fear, hatred, murderousness and defiance: a selection of unwanted and recalcitrant feelings that can generate discomfort and resistance and are often held responsible for many problems in the political sphere. But is it really the case that problems and discomfort are triggered by these feelings or are they not rather merely indicators of the external situation which - instead of banishing the feelings - should be changed? What would happen if they were no longer suppressed from the political sphere, but looked at and analysed? This is precisely where Paul*A Helfritzsch starts, in order to lead us into a principle that adequately counters the political situation of our time - being at the mercy of seemingly overpowering and unconquerable structures - the principle of defiance. Politisierte Gefühle: Diese Umkehr der gängigen Rede von emotionalisierter Politik versucht deutlich zu machen, dass Gefühle eine genuin politische Dimension besitzen, die in ihrer kollektivierenden Wirkung besteht. Schafft man es, diese zu demokratisieren, dann können sie ausschlaggebend für einen sozialen Wandel sein. Ekel, Angst, Hass, Mordlust und Trotz: Eine Auswahl ungewollter und widerspenstiger Gefühle, denen sich zuzuwenden Unbehagen und Abwehr erzeugen kann und die zudem für viele Probleme im Bereich des Politischen verantwortlich gemacht werden. Aber ist es tatsächlich so, dass Probleme und Unbehagen durch diese Gefühle ausgelöst werden oder sind sie nicht vielmehr bloß Anzeiger für die äußerliche Situation, die es – anstatt die Gefühle zu verbannen – zu verändern gelten müsste? Was würde passieren, wenn sie nicht länger aus dem Politischen verdrängt, sondern betrachtet und analysiert würden? Gerade hier setzt Paul*A Helfritzsch an, um am Ende in einem Prinzip zu münden, das der politischen Situation unserer Zeit – einem Ausgeliefertsein an scheinbar übermächtige und unbezwingbare Strukturen – angemessen entgegentritt, dem Prinzip Trotz.

Society & social sciences. --- National socialism and music.