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Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) - the only English commoner to become the overall head of state - is one of the great figures of history, but his character was very complex. He was at once courageous and devout, devious and self-serving; as a parliamentarian, he was devoted to his cause; as a soldier, he was ruthless. Cromwell's speeches and writings surpass in quantity those of any other ruler of England before Victoria and, for those seeking to understand him, he has usually been taken at his word. Ronald Hutton untangles the facts from the fiction.
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This book offers a comparative perspective on the semi-presidential regimes of Portugal and Timor-Leste, suggesting that they both reserve a “moderating power” for presidents in line with what was theorized by Benjamin Constant. Historical legacies, political culture and short-term political considerations combined create an institutional design that has endured and produced incentives to power-sharing and inclusiveness. A critical element of this model finds roots in the electoral system facilitating the emergence of “independent” presidents with political platforms that tend to supersede those of political parties. Elected presidents dispose of an array of competences that do not overlap with those of prime ministers, but represent a category of its own. The vast array of presidential competences contributes to reinforcing a system of checks and balances, and to foster horizontal accountability. The book argues that this specific form of government with “moderating powers” and presidents who are largely “independent” from the party system contributed to the successful democratic transitions of Portugal and Timor-Leste.
Presidents --- Presidency --- Heads of state --- Executive power
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"A comprehensive study of women's paths to political leadership, encompassing all of the women presidents and prime ministers around the world from the 1960s through 2020"--
Women heads of state --- Women politicians --- Women --- Women
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"Leonid Brezhnev was leader of the Soviet Union for eighteen years, a term of leadership second only in length to that of Stalin. He presided over the Brezhnev Doctrine, which accelerated the Cold War, and led the Soviet Union through catastrophic foreign policy decisions such as the invasion of Afghanistan. To many in the West, he is responsible for the stagnation (and to some even collapse) of the Soviet Union. But much of this history has been based on the only two English-language biographies (both published before Brezhnev's death and without access to archival sources) and Brezhnev's own astonishingly untrue memoirs--written for propaganda purposes. Newly translated from German, Schattenberg's magisterial book systematically dismantles the stereotypical and one-dimensional view of Brezhnev as the stagnating Stalinist by drawing on a wealth of archival research and documents not previously studied in English. The Brezhnev that emerges is a complex one, from his early apolitical years, when he dreamed of becoming an actor, through his swift and surprising rise through the Party ranks. From his hitherto misunderstood role in Khrushchev's ousting and appointment as his successor, to his somewhat pro-Western foreign policy aims, deft consolidation and management of power, and ultimate descent into addiction and untimely death. For Schattenberg, this is the story of a flawed and ineffectual idealist--for the West, this biography makes a convincing case that Brezhnev should be reappraised as one of the most interesting and important political figures of the twentieth century"--
Heads of state --- Brezhnev, Leonid Ilʹich, --- Soviet Union --- Politics and government --- Brezhnev, Leonid
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Heads of state --- Brezhnev, Leonid Il'ich, --- Soviet Union --- Politics and government
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Qui était vraiment Leonid Brejnev, l'homme aux sourcils broussailleux qui a succédé au bouillonnant Nikita Khrouchtchev pour diriger l'Union soviétique pendant dix-huit ans, de 1964 à 1982 ? Un vieillard sénile, bardé de médailles, collectionnant les voitures étrangères et les fusils de chasse ? Un réactionnaire qui a persécuté les dissidents ? Un gendarme qui a écrasé le Printemps de Prague et occupé l'Afghanistan ? Un cynique qui a laissé prospérer la corruption et les pénuries, plongé son pays dans la " stagnation " qui a mené au drame de Tchernobyl et à la fin de l'URSS ? Ou un dirigeant proche de ses racines ukrainiennes, un héros militaire qui a ressoudé les Russes autour d'un idéal de victoire, un diplomate rusé et aimable qui a éloigné le spectre de la Troisième Guerre mondiale ? En dépit de sa longévité, Brejnev, objet de risée à la fin de sa vie, est resté pendant longtemps enfermé dans une gangue de mépris. Armé de nombreux documents inédits dénichés dans les archives russes, passant au crible les " carnets " brejnéviens, Andreï Kozovoï révise les idées reçues et dresse le portrait d'un dictateur pas comme les autres, d'un antihéros qui a semé les graines de la Russie poutinienne.
Politique et gouvernement --- Brejnev, Léonide Ilitch --- Heads of state --- Brezhnev, Leonid Il'ich, - 1906-1982 --- Soviet Union
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Women --- Queens --- Women heads of state --- Women --- Political activity --- History. --- History. --- Social conditions. --- Greece --- Kings and rulers --- History.
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Agathokles of Syracuse ruled large areas of Sicily and southern Italy between 317 and 289 BC. In this book, Christopher de Lisle argues that Agathokles was an important player in the Mediterranean world at a key moment in its history. Agathokles' career has important implications for our definition of the Hellenistic world and its relationship to both the western Mediterranean and earlier Greek history. However, he has tended not to feature in studies of theHellenistic world or of ancient Sicily.In ancient discourse about him, in the coins he issued, in his interactions with the world around him, and in the way he ruled, Agathokles is simultaneously heir to a long tradition and actively engaged in his contemporary world. The failure to place Agathokles in both of these contexts up till now has contributed to the development of an excessively deep separation between the western and eastern Mediterranean and between the Classical and Hellenistic periods. This work - the first book-lengthstudy of Agathokles in English in over a century - places him in the context of both the earlier history of Sicily, and the developments in the eastern Mediterranean that mark the start of the Hellenistic era. The volume includes a narrative of his career, studies of his coinage and hisrepresentation in literary sources, and a series of explorations of important themes and regions.
Kings and rulers --- Czars (Kings and rulers) --- Kings and rulers, Primitive --- Monarchs --- Royalty --- Rulers --- Sovereigns --- Tsars --- Tzars --- Heads of state --- Queens --- E-books --- Agathocles --- Agathocles, --- Agathokles, --- Agatocle, --- Mediterranean Region --- Sicily (Italy) --- Syracuse (Italy) --- History
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The dominant narrative of Iranian society and politics heralds the reformist movement as the epitome of Iran's transition to secularity, while conservative political forces are positioned as advocates of Islamization and a bulwark against secularization. Examining all the presidential elections since the revolution, Mahmoud Pargoo and Shahram Akbarzadeh argue that in contrast, political and cultural imagination and expectations in Iran have actually secularized regardless of the reformist/conservative divide. Exploring the evolution of campaign discourses from the 1980s elections which brought Abolhassan Banisadr, Mohammad-Ali Rajai and Ali Khamenei to power, to the more recent campaigns of Mohamad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani, this book suggests that current debates in Iranian domestic politics are not between secularists and their opponents, but rather, between different kinds of secular forces.
Presidents --- Islam and politics --- Presidential candidates --- Elections --- Election. --- Iran --- Politics and government --- Candidates for president --- Nominees for president --- Presidential nominees --- Political candidates --- Presidency --- Heads of state --- Executive power --- Election
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Against the backdrop of rising populism around the world and democratic backsliding in countries with robust, multiparty elections, this book asks why ordinary people favor authoritarian leaders. Much of the existing scholarship on illiberal regimes and authoritarian durability focuses on institutional explanations, but Tsai argues that, to better understand these issues, we need to examine public opinion and citizens' concerns about retributive justice. Government authorities uphold retributive justice - and are viewed by citizens as fair and committed to public good - when they affirm society's basic values by punishing wrongdoers who act against these values. Tsai argues that the production of retributive justice and moral order is a central function of the state and an important component of state building. Drawing on rich empirical evidence from in-depth fieldwork, original surveys, and innovative experiments, the book provides a new framework for understanding authoritarian resilience and democratic fragility.
Authoritarianism. --- Dictators. --- Criminal justice, Administration of. --- Administration of criminal justice --- Criminal justice, Administration of --- Justice, Administration of --- Crime --- Criminal law --- Criminals --- Tyrants --- Heads of state --- Political science --- Authority --- Law and legislation
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