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Volume two contains all countries analysed for the first time in 2021: Belgium (Flanders), Canada, Chile, Denmark, Greece, Hong Kong, Iceland, Italy, and South Korea. To what extent do structures and conduct of leading news media correspond with requirements of contemporary democracies? Based on a root concept of democracy and several empirical indicators, the Media for Democracy Monitor (MDM) delivers a panorama of the news media's performance regarding freedom, equality, and control across several countries. In 2011, the MDM analysed 10 democracies. Ten years later, it covers 18 countries worldwide and pinpoints essential strengths and weaknesses during this decade of digitalisation. Around the globe, news are highly attractive to users, and the journalistic ethos of watchdogs and investigators is paramount. On the downside, journalistic job security eroded over time, and gender gaps both in content and employment patterns remain strikingly excessive in most countries.

New democracies --- Journalism --- Press --- Social aspects

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Building effective state institutions before introducing democracy is widely presumed to improve different development outcomes. Conversely, proponents of this "stateness-first" argument anticipate that democratization before state building yields poor development outcomes. In this Element, we discuss several strong assumptions that (different versions of) this argument rests upon and critically evaluate the existing evidence base. In extension, we specify various observable implications. We then subject the stateness-first argument to multiple tests, focusing on economic growth as an outcome. First, we conduct historical case studies of two countries with different institutional sequencing histories, Denmark and Greece, and assess the stateness-first argument (e.g., by using a synthetic control approach). Thereafter, we draw on an extensive global sample of about 180 countries, measured across 1789-2019 and leverage panel regressions, preparametric matching, and sequence analysis to test a number of observable implications. Overall, we find little evidence to support the stateness-first argument.

Nation-building. --- Democratization. --- Economic development --- Democratic consolidation --- Democratic transition --- Political science --- New democracies --- Stabilization and reconstruction (International relations) --- State-building --- Political development

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Why were some, but not all the Arab mass social protests of 2011 accompanied by relatively quick and nonviolent outcomes in the direction of regime change, democracy, and social transformation? Why was a democratic transition limited to Tunisia, and why did region-wide democratization not occur? After the Arab Uprisings offers an explanatory framework to answer these central questions, based on four key themes: state and regime type, civil society, gender relations and women's mobilizations, and external influence. Applying these to seven cases: Tunisia, Egypt, Morocco, Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, Valentine M. Moghadam and Shamiran Mako highlight the salience of domestic and external factors and forces, uniquely presenting women's legal status, social positions, and organizational capacity, along with the presence or absence of external intervention, as key elements in explaining the divergent outcomes of the Arab Spring uprisings, and extending the analysis to the present day.

Arab Spring, 2010 --- -Democratization --- Protest movements --- Social movements --- Democratic consolidation --- Democratic transition --- Political science --- New democracies --- Arab Awakening, 2010 --- -History --- History --- Arab countries --- Arab world --- Arabic countries --- Arabic-speaking states --- Islamic countries --- Middle East --- Politics and government

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In the tumultuous aftermath of the Arab uprisings, Tunisia charted a unique path that has earned it praise as "a beacon of hope" in a troubled region. Since the 2011 revolution, it has embraced a new culture of democracy, based on pluralism, civilian rule and the peaceful transfer of power. Equally noteworthy are the country's burgeoning civil society, its various institutional reforms and its progressive new constitution, which upholds individual freedoms and champions women's rights. But in spite of these achievements, daunting challenges remain. Although Tunisia has succeeded in defusing many crises, its transition has been uneasy; its democracy is fragile and its future continues to be uncertain. As the country emerges from decades of authoritarian rule, it faces enormous political, social, economic and security challenges, which are undermining its peaceful evolution. It is this state of fragility that A Fledgling Democracy seeks to capture. Focusing on the socio-political dynamics that have unfolded in this North African nation since the revolution, the contributors to this volume shed light on how Tunisia has navigated its first decade of democratic transition, and reflect on what the ongoing changes and challenges mean for the country today.

Tunisia --- History --- Democratization. --- Political participation. --- Citizen participation --- Community action --- Community involvement --- Community participation --- Involvement, Community --- Mass political behavior --- Participation, Citizen --- Participation, Community --- Participation, Political --- Political activity --- Political behavior --- Political rights --- Social participation --- Political activists --- Politics, Practical --- Democratic consolidation --- Democratic transition --- Political science --- New democracies

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Consacrer un séminaire — et désormais un ouvrage — au thème « Gouvernement des juges et démocratie » est d’autant plus ambitieux qu’aujourd’hui l’expression est utilisée dans le langage commun, celui des journalistes, mais aussi celui des hommes politiques qui, de manière périodique, en France, accusent les juges constitutionnel, judiciaire et administratif de se comporter comme des juges qui gouvernent. Le premier défi consiste donc à analyser cette notion d’un point de vue scientifique et à déterminer le sens qu’elle peut revêtir tant pour les juristes que pour les politistes ; le deuxième défi consiste à établir le lien avec la démocratie et plus particulièrement à déterminer s’il est positif ou négatif. La question se pose de manière d’autant plus aiguë qu’elle concerne le rôle que jouent, au premier chef, les juges constitutionnels en tant que censeurs de l’action du législateur, démocratiquement élu, mais aussi les juridictions supranationales dont les décisions s’imposent dans les ordres juridiques nationaux. Par la richesse des contributions qu’il réunit, la qualité de leurs auteurs et la multiplicité des points de vue, ce livre s’adresse à tous ceux qui s’interrogent sur la place qu’occupent les juges dans les démocraties.

Justice, Administration of --- Democracy --- Justice --- Démocratie --- Political aspects --- Administration --- Aspect politique --- Pouvoir judiciaire --- Controle juridictionnel des lois --- Separation des pouvoirs --- 342.56 --- 321.151 --- Rechterlijke macht --- Democratie --(klassieke democratie politieke stelsels) --- 342.56 Rechterlijke macht --- 321.151 Democratie --(klassieke democratie politieke stelsels) --- Démocratie --- Justice and politics in democracies --- Pouvoir judiciaire - Congres. --- Controle juridictionnel des lois - Congres. --- Separation des pouvoirs - Congres. --- Public Administration --- juge --- démocratie --- DROIT CONSTITUTIONNEL --- DROIT CONSTITUTIONNEL COMPARE --- DEMOCRATIE --- POUVOIR JUDICIAIRE --- CONTROLE JURIDIQUE SUR LA CONSTITUTIONNALITE DES LOIS --- CONTROLE SUR LA LEGALITE DES ACTES ADMINISTRATIFS