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This book examines US naval strategy and the role of American seapower over three decades, from the late 20th century to the early 21st century. This study uses the concept of seapower as a framework to explain the military and political application of sea power and naval force for the United States of America. It addresses the context in which strategy, and in particular US naval strategy and naval power, evolves and how US naval strategy was developed and framed in the international and national security contexts. It explains what drove and what constrained US naval strategy and examines selected instances where American sea power was directed in support of US defense and security policy ends - and whether that could be tied to what a given strategy proposed. The work utilizes naval capstone documents in the framework of broader maritime conceptual and geopolitical thinking, and discusses whether these documents had lasting influences in the strategic mind-set, the force structure, and other areas of American sea power. Overall, this work provides a deeper understanding of the crafting of US naval strategy since the final decade of the Cold War, its contextual and structural framework setting, and its application. To that end, the work bridges the gap between the thinking of American naval officers and planners on the one hand and academic analyses of Navy strategy on the other hand. It also presents the trends in the use of naval force for foreign policy objectives and into strategy-making in the American policy context.
NAVAL STRATEGY--USA --- SEA-POWER--USA --- USA--NATIONAL SECURITY
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The author rethinks here the history of US imperialism, from the Cold War to today, to reveal how paramilitaries, militias, mercenaries, private armies, and contractors have always been central to US-sponsored insurgencies and US counterinsurgent statecraft. Examining a broad range of events from the Bay of Pigs to the occupation of Iraq, and from the Soviet-Afghan war to the ongoing conflict in Syria, the author offers an analysis of the evolution of US support for various para-institutional actors or non-state armed forces. He demonstrates how and why militias, mercenaries, and private military companies have increasingly formed a central part of US imperial strategies designed to influence political and economic conditions abroad. Drawing on declassified documents including military training manuals, CIA communiques, and national security documents, this book reveals new evidence that helps us understand these institutions and their collective role in maintaining global order.
PARAMILITARY FORCES--USA --- MERCENARY TROOPS--USA --- PRIVATE MILITARY COMPANIES--USA
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America finds itself in an acute predicament : the international order it has helped construct over many decades is under increasing stress from various quarters. As the world's predominant military power and principal guarantor of global peace and security, the United States must fulfill its many responsibilities without becoming entangled in costly conflicts that threaten its security, deplete its national power, and weaken its international standing. This book proposes a long-term strategy for how the United States can manage the risks of a more turbulent world in a way that lessens the demand for - and potential drain on - U.S. power. Its novel approach adapts the basic techniques used to prevent many societal problems, such as infectious diseases, violent crime, and drug trafficking. Preventive engagement has three complementary components : the promotion of policies known to lower the risk of violent conflict and political instability; the anticipation of crises most likely to precipitate major U.S. military engagement; and a concerted effort to mitigate if not resolve conflicts that erupt in the short term before escalating into a threat to U.S. interests. This comprehensive approach stresses early detection and foresight to actively manage sources of conflict. Using examples from Syria, Ukraine, and the South China Sea, the book shows its strategy in practice and illuminates the role that international actors, including NGOs, the United Nations, regional organizations, and private businesses, can play to further U.S. preventive goals.
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This is an edited collection of essays on the changing character of military professionalism and the role of ethics in the 21st century military. The authors are uniformed military, academics, and non-uniformed professionals on the battlefield, and they look at the concepts of Samuel Huntington, Morris Janowitz, and Sir John Hackett, how training and continuing education play a role in defining a profession, and if a universal code of ethics is required for the military as a profession.
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This book delivers a contemporary introduction to America's role in world affairs. Useful alone or as a supplementary reader for undergraduate American foreign policy courses, the second edition focuses on the most current problems and how to interpret them. Readings are divided into six parts and each part opens with an introductory essay providing students with a historical framework and 'big picture' questions to guide comprehension. Each part incorporates a variety of sources, including not only articles from the most popular journals worldwide, but lesser known government documents and think tank pieces. By exposing students to a unique array of government policies and debates, the book prompts students to analyze policy making from multiple perspectives and to develop their own strategies toward evaluating policy positions.
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Recent years have brought deeply disturbing developments around the globe. American sentiment seems to be leaning increasingly toward withdrawal in the face of such disarray. In this powerful, urgent essay, the author elucidates the reasons why American withdrawal would be the worst possible response, based as it is on a fundamental and dangerous misreading of the world. Like a jungle that keeps growing back after being cut down, the world has always been full of dangerous actors who, left unchecked, possess the desire and ability to make things worse. The author makes clear how the 'realist' impulse to recognize our limitations and focus on our failures misunderstands the essential role America has played for decades in keeping the world's worst instability in check. A true realism, he argues, is based on the understanding that the historical norm has always been toward chaos - that the jungle will grow back, if we let it.
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The author explores America's rise as a world power - from the 1890s through the Cold War - and its bid to extend its hegemony deep into the twenty-first century through a fusion of cyber war, space warfare, trade pacts, and military alliances. The author then analyzes the marquee instruments of US hegemony - covert intervention, client elites, psychological torture, and worldwide surveillance. Peeling back layers of secrecy, he exposes a military and economic battle for global domination fought in the shadows, largely unknown to those outside the highest rungs of power. Can the United States extend the 'American Century' or will China guide the globe for the next hundred years ? the author devotes his final chapter to these questions, boldly laying out a series of scenarios that could lead to the end of Washington's world domination by 2030.
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This book applies competing definitions and conceptions of hegemony to various foreign policy initiatives and events during the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama to test whether they manifest a decline in traditional United States dominance and leadership in the Western Hemisphere. In particular, the book examines the continued relevancy of the inter-American system, the failure to establish a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and the stilborn Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas (ECPA). It also discusses the implications of the People's Republic of China becoming a major trading partner and important source of financing and investment capital throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. The book provides critical reviews of Plan Colombia, the Merida Initiative, Pathways to Prosperity in the Americas, the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI), the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), 100,000 Strong in the Americas, and the restoration of normal US diplomatic relations with Cuba.
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Over the past decade, there have been a series of internet-linked attacks on American interests, including North Korea's retaliatory hack of Sony Pictures, China's large-scale industrial espionage, Russia's 2016 propaganda campaign, and quite a lot more. The cyber war is upon us. Former Assistant Attorney General John Carlin has been on the frontlines of America's ongoing cyber war with its enemies. In this dramatic book, he tells the story of his years-long secret battle to keep America safe, and warns us of the perils that await us as we embrace the latest digital novelties - smart appliances, artificial intelligence, self-driving cars - with little regard for how our enemies might compromise them. The potential targets for our enemies are multiplying : our electrical grid, our companies, our information sources, our satellites. As each sector of the economy goes digital, a new vulnerability is exposed. The Internet of Broken Things is not merely a cautionary tale, though. It makes the urgent case that we need to start innovating more responsibly. As a fleet of web-connected cars and pacemakers rolls off the assembly lines, the potential for danger is overwhelming. We must see and correct these flaws before our enemies exploit them.
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