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Montée en puissance de nouvelles droites militantes, identitaires, néolibérales ou ultra-conservatrices, résurgence des communautarismes et des ethno-nationalismes, essor des fondamentalismes religieux ... A rebours des luttes émancipatrices qui ont fleuri dans le Sud au cours des dernières décennies, les mouvements réactionnaires ont aujourd'hui le vent en poupe. Gardiens de l'ordre moral, nostalgiques d'un passé fantasmé, pourfendeurs de l'universalisme des droits humains et adversaires de l'État social, ils ont consolidé leur assise populaire, au point d'être désormais en mesure de peser sur l'agenda politique, voire de faire et de défaire des gouvernements. Marqueurs de l'explosion des inégalités, de la dissolution des tissus sociaux et du brouillage des repères culturels, religieux et identitaires, engendrés par l'ouverture indiscriminée des marchés, ces « contre-mouvements » sociaux exploitent les ressentiments des perdants de la mondialisation au profit d'intérêts particuliers ou de groupes dominants. Çà et là, ils tirent parti du recul des forces progressistes et de la disparition des discours qui structuraient l'imaginaire politique des classes sociales. En ce sens, ils constituent un inquiétant indicateur des évolutions en cours et de l'état des rapports de force. Ferment de nouvelles divisions, cette offensive réactionnaire prolonge la révolution conservatrice et néolibérale des années 1980 et consacre la difficulté des gauches à proposer un nouveau projet émancipateur.
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Le cas de la Côte d'Ivoire présente une historicité de longue durée du processus de différenciation sociale voire d'émergence de catégories « moyennes ». Dans ce papier, à partir de l'analyse de la distribution des revenus des ménages ivoiriens en 2015, la classe intermédiaire de revenu est isolée sur la base d'un intervalle mixte combinant une borne inférieure absolue, fixée à 4 dollars par jour et par tête, et une borne supérieure relative, fixée au 95e percentile de la distribution. Ainsi calibrée, la classe moyenne monétaire ivoirienne, « les gens du milieu », représente finalement une masse relativement limitée de 26,4 % de la population. 48,1 % des chefs de ménage de cette catégorie est sans éducation et, si elle est majoritairement urbaine (à près de 60 %), seul 16 % de cette classe moyenne est abidjanaise. Un fort dualisme de cette classe moyenne se dégage avec, d'un côté, en minorité (21 %), une strate haute et stabilisée constituée plutôt d'héritiers des groupes intermédiaires des années 1960-1970 et, de l'autre, une strate basse majoritaire (79 %) composée de ménages en situation de petite prospérité et de grande vulnérabilité et composés d'indépendants informels urbains et d'agriculteurs. Enfin, les classes moyennes ivoiriennes sont très peu engagées politiquement. Elles peuvent d'autant moins s'exprimer que leur forte hétérogénéité interne et leur faible expérience de mobilisation collective réduisent fortement leur capacité de faire pression sur le politique, sauf pour des groupes qui interviennent alors plus sur la base de leur identité socio professionnelle.
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"Fascist, authoritarian, anti-Semitic and extremist movements made a powerful and devastating contribution to the 20th century. While the experiences of the 1930s and 1940s served to delegitimise such forces, contemporary Europe and the USA have witnessed the resurgence of extreme right-wing politics. Rapid socio-economic change, the appeal of nationalism, the failures of mainstream political parties and intense campaigning around issues such as immigration, security and unemployment have all fuelled the phenomenon. This book, a sequel to The Extreme Right in Europe and the USA, provides a comprehensive and analysis of the nature and prevalence of extreme right movements in Europe - both West and East - and in the USA at the turn of the millennium. The authors reveal the uneven process of extreme right-wing revival, which has varied from country to country depending on specific political cultures and circumstances, with some movements confined to the margins while others have moved towards the political mainstream. They examine the ideas, policies, personalities, organizations, voters and reasons for the success of extreme right-wing movements in a range of countries, as well as providing a more general examination of the nature and politics of the extreme right."--Bloomsbury Publishing.
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What does conservatism, as a body of political thought, say about the legal regulation of intimate relationships, and to what extent has this thought influenced the Conservative Party's approach to family law? With this question as its focus, this book explores the relationship between family law, conservatism and the Conservative Party since the 1980s. Taking a politico- and socio-legal perspective, the discussion draws on an expansive reading of Hansard as well as recently released archival material. The study first sets out the political tradition of conservatism, relying largely on the work of Edmund Burke, before going on to analyse the discourse around the development of four crucial statutes in the field, namely: the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act 1984; the Family Law Act 1996; the Civil Partnership Act 2004; and the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Act 2013. This work offers the first extended synthesis of family law, conservative political thought and Conservative Party politics, and as such provides significant new insight into how family law is made
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Not long ago, Republicans could take pride in their party's tradition of environmental leadership. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the GOP helped to create the Environmental Protection Agency, extend the Clean Air Act, and protect endangered species. Today, as Republicans denounce climate change as a "hoax" and seek to dismantle the environmental regulatory state they worked to build, we are left to wonder: What happened ? In The Republican Reversal, James Morton Turner and Andrew C. Isenberg show that the party's transformation began in the late 1970s, with the emergence of a new alliance of pro-business, libertarian, and anti-federalist voters. This coalition came about through a concerted effort by politicians and business leaders, abetted by intellectuals and policy experts, to link the commercial interests of big corporate donors with states'-rights activism and Main Street regulatory distrust. Fiscal conservatives embraced cost-benefit analysis to counter earlier models of environmental policy making, and business tycoons funded think tanks to denounce federal environmental regulation as economically harmful, constitutionally suspect, and unchristian, thereby appealing to evangelical views of man's God-given dominion of the Earth. As Turner and Isenberg make clear, the conservative abdication of environmental concern stands out as one of the most profound turnabouts in modern American political history, critical to our understanding of the GOP's modern success. The Republican reversal on the environment is emblematic of an unwavering faith in the market, skepticism of scientific and technocratic elites, and belief in American exceptionalism that have become the party's distinguishing characteristics.--
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Russell Kirk (1918-1994) is renowned worldwide as one of the founders of postwar American conservatism. His 1953 masterpiece, The Conservative Mind, became the intellectual touchstone for a reinvigorated movement and began a sea change in the nation's attitudes toward traditionalism. A prolific author and wise cultural critic, Kirk kept up a steady stream of correspondence with friends and colleagues around the globe, yet none of his substantial body of personal letters has ever been published--letters as colorful and intelligent as the man himself. In Imaginative Conservatism, James E. Person Jr. presents one hundred and ninety of Kirk's most provocative and insightful missives. Covering a period from 1940 to 1994, these letters trace Kirk's development from a shy, precocious young man to a public intellectual firm in his beliefs and generous with his time and resources when called upon to provide for refugees, the homeless, and other outcasts. This carefully annotated and edited collection includes correspondence between Kirk and figures such as T.S. Eliot, William F. Buckley Jr., Ray Bradbury, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Charlton Heston, Nikolai Tolstoy, Wendell Berry, Richard Nixon, and Herbert Hoover, among many others. Kirk's conservatism was not primarily political but moral and imaginative, focusing always on the relationship of the human soul in community with others and with the transcendent. Beyond the wealth of autobiographical information that this collection affords, it offers thought-provoking wisdom from one of the twentieth century's most influential interpreters of American politics and culture.
Conservatism --- Conservatives --- Persons --- History --- Kirk, Russell
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