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Was meint konservativ? Diese Frage trieb Intellektuelle, Politiker und Parteien nach 1945 in Großbritannien wie der Bundesrepublik Deutschland um. Während der Begriff in Großbritannien ein akzeptierter Bestandteil des politischen Vokabulars war, gehörte er in der Bundesrepublik zu den schwierigen Begriffen der jungen Demokratie, beladen mit antidemokratischem Ballast. Von den Debatten um das Konservative besonders betroffen waren jene Parteien, die sich (auch) als konservativ etikettierten: die Conservative Party und die CDU/CSU. Als in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren die Konservativen ihre sprachliche Deutungshoheit an die Linke verloren glaubten, wurden die politischen Sprachen des Konservativen neu formuliert. In Großbritannien konzentrierte sich die Debatte auf die Conservative Party und führte zu erbitterten Flügelkämpfen, aus denen die Thatcherites als Gewinner hervorgingen. In der Bundesrepublik dagegen kristallisierten sich in einem verzweigten intellektuellen Diskurs eine liberale und eine neurechte Variante des Begriffs heraus. Für die Unionsparteien wurde dies zu einer fulminanten Herausforderung. Zugleich wurde der Bedeutungskampf um das Konservative auf europäischer Ebene ausgetragen. Diese nationalen wie transnationalen Auseinandersetzungen um die Begriffe hatten weitreichende politische Folgen – bis heute. What does conservative mean? This question preoccupied intellectuals and politicians in post-1945 Great Britain and West Germany. In the 1960s and 70s, as conservatives sensed they were losing their linguistic authority to the Left, they reinvented the political language of conservatism. This book shows the far-reaching political consequences of this national and trans-national struggle over definitions.
Conservatism --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology --- History. --- Great Britain --- Germany (West) --- Politics and government
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Die europäischen Konservativen des 19. Jahrhunderts hätten sie sich ungern als Reaktionäre, Rückwärtsgewandte oder Unverbesserliche bezeichnet. Obwohl die offene Unterdrückung der politischen Gegner eine praktikable Option blieb, tendierten sogar die unerbittlichsten Verfechter des Status quo dazu, ihre politischen Ziele zu popularisieren. Auch reformbereite Konservative sahen sich vor einer delikaten Herausforderung: Wie ließen sich Modernisierungsmaßnahmen realisieren, ohne die eigene Machtbasis zu untergraben? Die Studie untersucht die umfassende Dynamisierung des konservativen Diskurses, die schließlich zur spektakulären und halbgewollten Durchsetzung der Nationalstaatsidee in Deutschland und Italien führte. In the Age of Revolution, European conservatives confronted an ongoing challenge: How could they fulfill their dreams for a nation state without destabilizing existing power relations? The study investigates the transformation of conservative political discourse during the 19th century, which culminated in the implementation of the nation-state ideal in Germany and Italy.
Age of Revolution. --- Konservativismus. --- Nationalism. --- Nationalismus. --- Nationalstaatsgründung. --- Politikdiskurs. --- Revolution. --- the nation state. --- Europe --- Politics and government. --- Politics --- Conservatism --- HISTORY / Modern / 19th Century. --- History --- 19th century --- Germany --- Prussia. --- Italy --- Sardinia. --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology
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Paul Gottfried's critical engagement with political correctness is well known. The essays in Revisions and Dissents focus on a range of topics in European intellectual and political history, social theory, and the history of modern political movements. With subjects as varied as Robert Nisbet, Whig history, the European Union election of 2014, and Donald Trump, the essays are tied together by their strenuous confrontation with historians and journalists whose claims about the past no longer receive critical scrutiny. According to Gottfried, successful writers on historical topics take advantage of political orthodoxy and/or widespread ignorance to present questionable platitudes as self-evident historical judgments. New research ceases to be of importance in determining accepted interpretations. What remains decisive, Gottfried maintains, is whether the favored view fits the political and emotional needs of what he calls "verbalizing elites." In this highly politicized age, Gottfried argues, it is necessary to re-examine these prevalent interpretations of the past. He does so in this engaging volume, which will appeal to general readers interested in political and intellectual history.
Conservatism. --- Liberalism. --- Right and left (Political science) --- Political science --- Philosophy. --- Political philosophy --- Left (Political science) --- Left and right (Political science) --- Right (Political science) --- Liberal egalitarianism --- Liberty --- Social sciences --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Sociology
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Slavery --- Conservatism --- History --- United States --- Northeastern States --- Causes. --- Politics and government --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology --- African American slavery --- Slavery in the United States --- Northeast (U.S.) --- Northeastern United States --- United States, Northeastern
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This volume offers a unique comparative perspective on post-war conservatism, as it traces the rise and mutations of conservative ideas in three countries – Britain, France and the United States - across a ‘short’ twentieth century (1929-1990) and examines the reconfiguration of conservatism as a transnational phenomenon. This framework allows for an important and distinctive point --the 1980s were less a conservative revolution than a moment when conservatism, understood in Burkean terms, was outflanked by its various satellites and political avatars, namely, populism, neoliberalism, reaction and cultural and gender traditionalism. No long running, unique ‘conservative mind’ comes out of this book’s transnational investigation. The 1980s did not witness the ascendancy of a movement with deep roots in the 18th century reaction to the French Revolution, but rather the decline of conservatism and the rise of movements and rhetoric that had remained marginal to traditional conservatism.
History. --- History, Modern. --- World history. --- Intellectual life --- World politics. --- World History, Global and Transnational History. --- Modern History. --- Political History. --- Intellectual Studies. --- Conservatism --- Conservatism. --- History --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology --- Intellectual life-History. --- Colonialism --- Global politics --- International politics --- Political history --- World history --- Eastern question --- Geopolitics --- International organization --- International relations --- Modern history --- World history, Modern --- Universal history --- Intellectual life—History.
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Aesthetics. --- Art --- Conservatism. --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology --- Beautiful, The --- Beauty --- Aesthetics --- Art and philosophy --- Esthetics --- Taste (Aesthetics) --- Philosophy --- Criticism --- Literature --- Proportion --- Symmetry --- Philosophy. --- Analysis, interpretation, appreciation --- Psychology --- Burke, Edmund, --- Maritain, Jacques, --- Maritain, Jacques --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד --- Radio broadcasting Aesthetics
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1. Introduction / John FitzGibbon, Benjamin Leruth and Nick Startin -- 2. Modelling transnational and pan-European Euroscepticism / Simon Usherwood -- 3. To cooperate or not to cooperate? : the European radical right and pan-European cooperation / Nick Startin and Nathalie Brack -- 4. Is "Eurorealism" the new "Euroscepticism"? : modern conservatism, the European conservatives and reformists and European integration / Benjamin Leruth -- 5. Contesting integration : the radical left and Euroscepticism / Michael Holmes -- 6. Transnational mobilization and critical Europeanism / Sevasti Chatzopoulou and Angela Bourne -- 7. "Stop TTIP" : towards a transnational Eurosceptic opposing the transatlantic trade and investment partnership? / Dan Keith -- 8. Transnational Euroscepticism as ideational solidarity? : the 'no' campaign in the Irish referendums on the Lisbon Treaty / John FitzGibbon -- 9. Eurosceptic candidate MEPs in the news : a transnational perspective / Katjana Gattermann and Sofia Vasilopoulou -- 10. Religion and the EU : a commitment under stress / Simona Guerra -- 11. Conclusion / John FitzGibbon and Benjamin Leruth.
Conservatism --- Europe --- Nationalism --- Public opinion --- #SBIB:327.7H200 --- #SBIB:327.7H21 --- #SBIB:324H50 --- Consciousness, National --- Identity, National --- National consciousness --- National identity --- International relations --- Patriotism --- Political science --- Autonomy and independence movements --- Internationalism --- Political messianism --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Sociology --- European Union countries --- Economic integration&delete& --- Europese Unie: algemeen --- Ontwikkeling van de Europese Unie (historische en toekomstige evolutie) --- Politieke participatie en legitimiteit (referenda, directe democratie, publieke opinie...) --- European Union --- E.U. --- Public opinion. --- EU countries --- Euroland --- Politics and government --- Electronic books. --- Political sociology --- Economic integration --- Gay culture Europe
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Organized in 1933, the Southern States Industrial Council's (SSIC) adherence to the South as a unique political and economic entity limited its members' ability to forge political coalitions against the New Deal. The SSIC's commitment to regional preferences, however, transformed and incorporated conservative thought in the post-World War II era, ultimately complementing the emerging conservative movement in the 1940s and 1950s. In response to New Dealers' attempts to remake the southern economy, the New South industrialists - heirs of C. Vann Woodward's 'new men' of the New South - effectively fused cultural traditionalism and free market economics into a brand of southern free enterprise that shaped the region's reputation and political culture. Dollars for Dixie demonstrates how the South emerged from this refashioning and became a key player in the modern conservative movement, with new ideas regarding free market capitalism, conservative fiscal policy, and limited bureaucracy.
Economic development --- Industries --- Business and politics --- Conservatism --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology --- Business --- Politics and business --- Politics, Practical --- Political business cycles --- Industrial production --- Industry --- Economics --- Development, Economic --- Economic growth --- Growth, Economic --- Economic policy --- Statics and dynamics (Social sciences) --- Development economics --- Resource curse --- History --- Political aspects --- Southern States --- American South --- American Southeast --- Dixie (U.S. : Region) --- Former Confederate States --- South, The --- Southeast (U.S.) --- Southeast United States --- Southeastern States --- Southern United States --- United States, Southern --- Economic conditions --- Politics and government --- Industries, Primitive
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