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Pour un monde du travail au service de l'épanouissement humain et social, Osons la paix économique propose des réflexions et des pistes inédites concrètes sur les options que nous avons de faire de l'économie et du travail l'un des plus beaux moyens d'épanouissement et de bonheur des personnes et de la société.Si vis pacem, para bellum - " Si tu veux la paix, prépare la guerre."Tout manager a encore aujourd'hui cette idée bien ancrée en lui, parce qu'elle semble être le seul chemin vers la réussite ou qu'elle justifie des comportements parfois peu éthiques. Mais quand la vie s'adosse uniquement à l'argent et à une logique agressive de consommation/possession comme seule option pour apaiser nos peurs ou assouvir nos désirs, l'économie ne libère plus et provoque des enfermements.La notion de paix économique offre un contrepoint à celle de guerre économique, valorisant notre nature coopérative plutôt que notre potentiel agressif. Sans imposer une autre vérité, elle réinvente un horizon possible au travail et lui redonne du sens par le partage et la mise au service. Loin d'une perspective insipide, elle requiert exaltation, engagement, effort et détermination.Dans cet ouvrage, Dominique Steiler nous montre comment, par la pleine conscience et le bien-être, l'entreprise peut retrouver le but qui était le sien : créer des richesses et contribuer au bien commun en renforçant le tissu social de manière durable et respectueuse de la dignité humaine et de la nature.Osons la paix économique propose des réflexions et des pistes inédites concrètes - soutenues par la recherche et testées en entreprises - sur les options que nous avons de faire de l'économie et du travail l'un des plus beaux moyens d'épanouissement et de bonheur des personnes et de la société.
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After the Second World War, the economies of advanced Countries have long been characterized by inclusive economic growth. In recent decades, on the other hand, there has been a steady increase in inequalities and a worsening for low-income social groups. What is the possibility of rebuilding a more inclusive development like that of the post-war three decades? Is it a viable road? And under what conditions? Or should we instead speculate that divorce is inevitable between economic growth and social cohesion in advanced democracies? There is no sure answer to this question, but it can be a good exercise, especially for those who believe that inclusive development is an essential component of the quality and stability of democracies, asking themselves under what conditions we can try to pursue this goal. The path proposed in this text focuses, in a comparative key, on the significant differences in the forms of economic and social regulation between the various advanced democracies that are reflected in more or less inclusive development paths and models of capitalism. Why have some countries managed to better defend the conditions for inclusive development over the past three decades? Through which economic and social regulatory choices? Moreover, another overlooked question is worth asking. How has politics created consensus around these choices and made them possible, while in other contexts it has supported growth accompanied by greater inequalities? What is certain is that giving up the goal of finding a more satisfactory balance between economic growth and social cohesion not only jeopardizes economic development, but also weakens and impoverishes democratic institutions.
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Dès son indépendance en 1947, l'Inde s'est identifiée au mouvement des non-alignés, prônant une troisième voie entre l'alliance avec les Occidentaux et celle avec le bloc soviétique. Cette époque appartient désormais pratiquement au passé. L'Inde, dont la population devrait dépasser celle de la Chine vers 2025, se pose désormais en rivale pour devenir la grande puissance de ce XXIe siècle. Ambitionnant de prendre le relais de l'Europe et des États-Unis, elle revendique un siège de membre permanent au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU. Son dynamisme démographique et économique soutient ce désir de puissance, mais les obstacles sont nombreux et son ambitieux pari n'est pas encore gagné.
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This textbook traces the evolution of economic ideas from the ancient to the modern world by examining the contributions of the most important scholars to some of the most important ideas in economics.It provides topics that are important for the understanding of contemporary economic issues. This includes ethical foundations of modern economics; ideas regarding property rights; price theory; money and interest; public finance; the theories of business cycles and economic growth; international trade; and issues related to population and resource use. The book's originality lies in its overall organization, which allows readers to explore the development of ideas on a specific topic in detail.
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How was the Soviet Union like a soup kitchen? In this important and highly revisionist work, historian Sheila Fitzpatrick explains that a reimagining of the Communist state as a provider of goods for the ‘deserving poor’ can be seen as a powerful metaphor for understanding Soviet life as a whole. By positioning the state both as a provider and as a relief agency, Fitzpatrick establishes it as not so much a prison (the metaphor favoured by many of her predecessors), but more the agency that made possible a way of life. Fitzpatrick’s real claim to originality, however, is to look at the relationship between the all-powerful totalitarian government and its own people from both sides – and to demonstrate that the Soviet people were not totally devoid of either agency or resources. Rather, they successfully developed practices that helped them to navigate everyday life at a time of considerable danger and multiple shortages. For many, Fitzpatrick shows, becoming an informer and reporting fellow citizens – even family and friends – to the state was a successful survival strategy. Fitzpatrick's work is noted mainly as an example of the critical thinking skill of reasoning; she marshals evidence and arguments to deliver a highly persuasive revisionist description of everyday life in Soviet time. However, her book has been criticized for the way in which it deals with possible counter-arguments, not least the charge that many of the interviewees on whose experiences she bases much of her analysis were not typical products of the Soviet system.
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