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Explores the Christian Right’s fierce opposition to science, explaining how and why its leaders came to see scientific truths as their enemy For decades, the Christian Right’s high-profile clashes with science have made national headlines. From attempts to insert intelligent design creationism into public schools to climate change denial, efforts to “cure” gay people through conversion therapy, and opposition to stem cell research, the Christian Right has battled against science. How did this hostility begin and, more importantly, why has it endured? Antony Alumkal provides a comprehensive background on the war on science—how it developed and why it will continue to endure. Drawing upon Richard Hofstadter’s influential 1965 essay “The Paranoid Style in American Politics,” Antony Alumkal argues that the Christian Right adopts a similar paranoid style in their approach to science. Alumkal demonstrates that Christian Right leaders see conspiracies within the scientific establishment, with scientists not only peddling fraudulent information, but actively concealing their true motives from the American public and threatening to destroy the moral foundation of society. By rejecting science, Christian Right leaders create their own alternative reality, one that does not challenge their literal reading of the Bible. While Alumkal recognizes the many evangelicals who oppose the Christian Right’s agenda, he also highlights the consequences of the war on reality—both for the evangelical community and the broader American public. A compelling glimpse into the heart of the Christian Right’s anti-science agenda, Paranoid Science is a must-read for those who hope to understand the Christian Right’s battle against science, and for the scientists and educators who wish to stop it.

Religion and science. --- Christian conservatism.

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D'Abstraction à Zouaves pontificaux, ce Dictionnaire du conservatisme évoque des hommes (De Gaulle ouProudhon) comme des valeurs (Équilibre ou Honneur), des moments historiques (monarchie de Juillet ou Révolution) comme des institutions (Institut ou Sénat), des perspectives futures (développement durableou transhumanisme) comme des mythes (Antigone ou Père). Juristes, historiens ou littéraires, ses auteurs dégagent ainsi une image du conservatisme : divers mais cohérent, à la fois éternel et actuel, pensée quistructure face au monde de l'éphémère et du relatif, opposant d'indispensables certitudes à la désagrégation moderne.

Conservatisme --- Dictionnaires --- Conservateurs (science politique) --- Conservatism --- --Résistance au changement --- --dictionnaire --- --History --- Dictionnaires. --- Conservatisme. --- Conservationists. --- Conservatism. --- Conservatism - Dictionaries --- Conservatism - History - Dictionaries --- Résistance au changement

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The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics documents a recent, fundamental change in American politics with the waning of Christian America. Rather than conservatives emphasizing morality and liberals emphasizing rights, both sides now wield rights arguments as potent weapons to win political and legal battles and build grassroots support. Lewis documents this change on the right, focusing primarily on evangelical politics. Using extensive historical and survey data that compares evangelical advocacy and evangelical public opinion, Lewis explains how the prototypical culture war issue - abortion - motivated the conservative rights turn over the past half century, serving as a springboard for rights learning and increased conservative advocacy in other arenas. Challenging the way we think about the culture wars, Lewis documents how rights claims are used to thwart liberal rights claims, as well as to provide protection for evangelicals, whose cultural positions are increasingly in the minority; they have also allowed evangelical elites to justify controversial advocacy positions to their base and to engage more easily in broad rights claiming in new or expanded political arenas, from health care to capital punishment.

Christian conservatism --- Religious right --- Abortion --- Religious aspects --- Christianity. --- Political aspects

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Was meint konservativ? Diese Frage trieb Intellektuelle, Politiker und Parteien nach 1945 in Großbritannien wie der Bundesrepublik Deutschland um. Während der Begriff in Großbritannien ein akzeptierter Bestandteil des politischen Vokabulars war, gehörte er in der Bundesrepublik zu den schwierigen Begriffen der jungen Demokratie, beladen mit antidemokratischem Ballast. Von den Debatten um das Konservative besonders betroffen waren jene Parteien, die sich (auch) als konservativ etikettierten: die Conservative Party und die CDU/CSU. Als in den 1960er und 1970er Jahren die Konservativen ihre sprachliche Deutungshoheit an die Linke verloren glaubten, wurden die politischen Sprachen des Konservativen neu formuliert. In Großbritannien konzentrierte sich die Debatte auf die Conservative Party und führte zu erbitterten Flügelkämpfen, aus denen die Thatcherites als Gewinner hervorgingen. In der Bundesrepublik dagegen kristallisierten sich in einem verzweigten intellektuellen Diskurs eine liberale und eine neurechte Variante des Begriffs heraus. Für die Unionsparteien wurde dies zu einer fulminanten Herausforderung. Zugleich wurde der Bedeutungskampf um das Konservative auf europäischer Ebene ausgetragen. Diese nationalen wie transnationalen Auseinandersetzungen um die Begriffe hatten weitreichende politische Folgen – bis heute. What does conservative mean? This question preoccupied intellectuals and politicians in post-1945 Great Britain and West Germany. In the 1960s and 70s, as conservatives sensed they were losing their linguistic authority to the Left, they reinvented the political language of conservatism. This book shows the far-reaching political consequences of this national and trans-national struggle over definitions.

Conservatism --- Conservativism --- Neo-conservatism --- New Right --- Right (Political science) --- Political science --- Sociology --- History. --- Great Britain --- Germany (West) --- Politics and government

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"President Obama called us bitter. Hillary Clinton called us irredeemable. The mainstream media called us backwater bigots. We were mocked by Hollywood and dismissed by academics. We were marginalized by the media--bullied and belittled by sex and gender revolutionaries. But all the changed on Election Day, and now it's time for all of us Deplorables to get to work. Our long national nightmare may be over, but that doesn't mean we can take a vacation to Dollywood just yet. We've got some work to do, folks. After President Reagan brought morning to America, conservatives took a nap. We grew complacent. And faster than you could say 'Read my lips,' the nation elected a community organizer overlord. So how can we prevent that from happening again? In The Deplorable's Guide to Making America Great Again Todd Starnes offers practical advice on fighting and winning the war on traditional American values. Armed with the Bible in one hand and his signature wit in the other, Starnes shows you how to be a happy warrior"--Back cover.

Culture conflict --- Conservatism --- Liberalism --- Religion and politics --- Christian conservatism --- 2000-2099 --- United States --- United States --- United States --- United States --- Social conditions --- Social policy. --- Politics and government --- Religion.