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Od początku wojny domowej w Syrii na Bliski Wschód wyjechało z RFN około 810 osób, by wspierać islamskie ugrupowania terrorystyczne. Wyjazdy bojowników z Niemiec w rejony konfliktu z zamiarem pomocy "braciom w wierze" nie są zjawiskiem nowym. Stanowią jedną z oznak istnienia (od dawna) środowisk radykalnych wśród niemieckich muzułmanów, a szerzej - społeczno-politycznego problemu braku integracji części osób pochodzących z rodzin imigranckich. Według Urzędu ds. Ochrony Konstytucji wyjazdy muzułmanów z Niemiec na wojnę w Syrii stanowią potencjalne niebezpieczeństwo również dla Niemiec. Do niedawna niemieckie służby dostrzegały korzyści wynikające z pozbycia się radykalnych islamistów z kraju. W związku z tym przymykały oko na podróżujących dżihadystów albo wręcz ułatwiały im podróż. Logika tego podejścia była następująca: jeśli mamy do czynienia z radykalnym islamistą, który jest gotów dokonać zamachu na terytorium RFN, to lepiej pozbyć się go z kraju. Zgodnie z tym założeniem postępowano do jesieni 2013 roku. Wtedy stało się oczywiste, że głównym celem dżihadystów z Niemiec nie jest Afganistan, tylko Syria. Natomiast liczba wyjeżdżających doprowadziła do nieuniknionej konkluzji, że ryzyko, jakie mogą stanowić wracający bojownicy, którzy zdobyli doświadczenie w walce, jest większe niż korzyści wynikające z ich tymczasowej nieobecności na terytorium RFN. Według danych Federalnego Urzędu Kryminalnego (BKA) do Niemiec wróciła około jedna trzecia spośród 810 islamistów, którzy wyjechali z RFN z zamiarem walki w Syrii.
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An incisive analysis of Islamist movements in the Middle East A political, social, and cultural battle is currently raging in the Middle East. On one side are the Islamists, those who believe Islam should be the region’s primary identity. In opposition are nationalists, secularists, royal families, military establishments, and others who view Islamism as a serious threat to national security, historical identity, and a cohesive society. This provocative, vitally important work explores the development of the largest, most influential Islamic groups in the Middle East over the past century. Tarek Osman examines why political Islam managed to win successive elections and how Islamist groups in various nations have responded after ascending to power. He dissects the alliances that have formed among Islamist factions and against them, addressing the important issues of Islamism’s compatibility with modernity, with the region’s experiences in the twentieth century, and its impact on social contracts and minorities. He explains what Salafism means, its evolution, and connections to jihadist groups in the Middle East. Osman speculates on what the Islamists’ prospects for the future will mean for the region and the rest of the world.
Islamic fundamentalism. --- Fundamentalism, Islamic --- Islamism --- Islam --- Religious fundamentalism
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Trente ans apres la dissolution de l'ex-URSS, l'auteur montre que les pays de l'OTAN n'ont pas change leurs 'logiciels' herites de la Guerre froide, designant la Russie comme l'Ennemi supreme. A cette erreur sur l'Ennemi correspond une erreur sur l'Ami, l'Occident demeurant allie aux poles de l'islamisme sunnite (Arabie saoudite, Qatar, Koweit, Pakistan, Turquie, OCI, Freres musulmans) qui oeuvrent, dans le cadre d'un projet d'expansion planetaire, a saper de l'interieur les valeurs des societes ouvertes sous couvert de defense de la religion. L'auteur dresse un bilan des 'revolutions de couleurs' appuyees par nombre d'ONG americaines eu Europe de l'Est et les relie a l'interventionnisme occidental en Irak ou en Libye puis au printemps arabe, devenu 'hiver islamiste'. Il devoile de facon detaillee les strategies et buts de guerre des islamistes, qu'il s'agisse des poles 'institutionnels' et etatiques, veritables ennemis, ou des djihadistes, simple face immergee de l'iceberg. Apres avoir expose leur double matrice theocratique et totalitaire, l'auteur demontre que pour resister a cette offensive bien plus planifiee et massive qu'on l'imagine, l'Occident doit de toute urgence definir la Menace et l'Ennemi dans sa globalite puis revoir totalement ses alliances et visions strategiques. L'enjeu n'est autre que de preserver les valeurs des societes ouvertes sans renier leurs racines civilisationnelles. La priorite est de les defendre dans leurs perimetres avant de donner des lecons et droits de l'homme ou de democratie au reste du monde.
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Islamic fundamentalism --- Extremists --- Religious fundamentalism --- Radicalism --- Ideology --- Radicalism --- Radicalism
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Since the events of 9/11, Salafism in the Middle East has often been perceived as fixed, rigid and even violent, but this assumption overlooks the quietist ideology that characterises many Salafi movements. Through an exploration of Salafism in Jordan, Joas Wagemakers presents the diversity among quietist Salafis on a range of ideological and political issues, particularly their relationship with the state. He expounds a detailed analysis of Salafism as a whole, whilst also showing how and why quietist Salafism in Jordan - through ideological tendencies, foreign developments, internal conflicts, regime involvement, theological challenges and regional turmoil - transformed from an independent movement into a politically domesticated one. Essential for graduate students and academic researchers interested in Middle Eastern politics and Salafism, this major contribution to the study of Salafism debunks stereotypes and offers insight into the development of a trend that still remains a mystery to many.
Salafīyah --- Islamic fundamentalism --- Fundamentalism, Islamic --- Islamism --- Islam --- Religious fundamentalism --- Salafiyya --- Islamic sects
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Muslim converts --- Jihad --- Islamic fundamentalism --- Terrorism
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"When he succeeded his father in 1999, King Abdullah of Jordan released a batch of political prisoners in the hopes of smoothing his transition to power. Little did he know that among those released was Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a man who would go on to become a terrorist mastermind too dangerous even for al-Qaeda and give rise to an Islamist movement bent on dominating the Middle East. Zarqawi began by directing hotel bombings and assassinations in Jordan from a base in northern Iraq, but it was the American invasion of that country in 2003 that catapulted him to the head of a vast insurgency. By identifying him as the link between Saddam and bin Laden, the CIA inadvertently created a monster. Like-minded radicals saw him as a hero resisting the infidel occupiers and rallied to his cause. Their wave of brutal beheadings and suicide bombings continued for years until Jordanian intelligence provided the Americans with the crucial intelligence needed to eliminate Zarqawi in a 2006 airstrike. But his movement endured, first called al-Qaeda in Iraq, then renamed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, seeking refuge in unstable, ungoverned pockets on the Iraq-Syria border. And as the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, ISIS seized its chance to pursue Zarqawi's dream of a sweeping, ultra-conservative Islamic caliphate. Drawing on unique access to CIA and Jordanian sources, Joby Warrick weaves together heart-pounding, moment-by-moment operational details with overarching historical perspectives to reveal the long trajectory of today's most dangerous Islamic extremist threat"-- "In a thrilling dramatic narrative, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Joby Warrick traces how the strain of militant Islam behind ISIS first arose in a remote Jordanian prison and spread with the unwitting aid of two American presidents. When the government of Jordan granted amnesty to a group of political prisoners in 1999, it little realized that among them was Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, a terrorist mastermind and soon the architect of an Islamist movement bent on dominating the Middle East. In Black Flags, an unprecedented character-driven account of the rise of ISIS, Joby Warrick shows how the zeal of this one man and the strategic mistakes of Presidents Bush and Obama led to the banner of ISIS being raised over huge swaths of Syria and Iraq. Zarqawi began by directing terror attacks from a base in northern Iraq, but it was the American invasion in 2003 that catapulted him to the head of a vast insurgency. By falsely identifying him as the link between Saddam and bin Laden, U.S. officials inadvertently spurred like-minded radicals to rally to his cause. Their wave of brutal beheadings and suicide bombings persisted until American and Jordanian intelligence discovered clues that led to a lethal airstrike on Zarqawi's hideout in 2006. His movement, however, endured. First calling themselves al-Qaeda in Iraq, then Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, his followers sought refuge in unstable, ungoverned pockets on the Iraq-Syria border. When the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, and as the U.S. largely stood by, ISIS seized its chance to pursue Zarqawi's dream of an ultra-conservative Islamic caliphate. Drawing on unique high-level access to CIA and Jordanian sources, Warrick weaves gripping, moment-by-moment operational details with the perspectives of diplomats and spies, generals and heads of state, many of whom foresaw a menace worse than al Qaeda and tried desperately to stop it. Black Flags is a brilliant and definitive history that reveals the long arc of today's most dangerous extremist threat"--
Terrorism --- Terrorism --- Terrorism --- Islamic fundamentalism --- Middle East
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