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The feminist movement in Morocco is a well-established and -organized entity and on the top of that a unique successful story of women’s progress in the MENA. Together with a substantial amelioration of women’s status, the movement initiated a wave of gender-sensibilisation and democratization of the public sphere. The amendment of the Mudawanna in 2004 - Morocco’s family - is considered the flagship of their endeavors. Through advocacy work and strategic political moves, they have become a historical respected actor within civil society. Dynamics of globalization and democratization have drastically changed Moroccan society, giving rise to a young and educated generation, which aspires a better future for themselves and their society. Their discontents with the current regime and politics, combined with the changes in the Arab region, resulted in a protest called the 20th February Movement. Although not explicitly a feminist organization, this heterogeneous movement incorporates gender-equality in their organizational structure, and inscribes women’s rights in a broader demand for a free democracy. The spirit of the movement gave rise to a variety of youth initiatives that focalize on individual liberties, which include women’s issues. This study tempts to investigate the new generation of activists, and examine how they relate to the feminist movement and its components. Women’s issues, before solely treated by the traditional feminist movement, are now appropriated by actors who have emerged outside of the movement. While Moroccan feminists have always defined women’s issues as the pre-requisite for a democratic society, the new generation inscribes this in a larger spectrum of demands for individual liberties. The different conceptions on how to approach gender-equality in order to achieve a societal change, creates a tension between the two generations. The generational gap is deepened due to a difference in working methods, as the actions of t...

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This study examines Central Americans experience of violence in Mexico. In the context of forced migration, the Central America North Triangle (Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador) has emerged with high number of asylum seekers in all neighboring countries. Furthermore, this region has been declared as the most dangerous in the world, which is often linked to gangs’ violence. Thus, among such discourses and experience of violence, people have fled in search for protection in different countries. In this scenario, Mexico has emerged as a country of destination and transit for those people. Marked by different migratory flow, the country has been challenged to promote decent conditions for migrant and refugee protection. However, it has been observed the criminalization of migration and emergence of non-state actors that have taken advantage of this structure to make those precarious live a form of profit.In attempting to understand the challenges and State responsibility in the production of violence against asylum seekers, this study seek to establish a meeting point between their migratory experience and States protection discourses. In this purpose, it was conducted an ethnographic study focus on asylum seekers whole journey around different status, dispositive and threats. Finally, it is considered the critical state's role in the production of violence and lack of asylum seekers protection. Thus, this research considers that the production of structural violence against asylum seekers in Mexico has not only jeopardized asylum seekers protection, but also provided new forms of precarity and violence.

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Uit cijfers van de stad Antwerpen (2014) blijkt dat meer dan 78000 mensen als nieuwkomers in Antwerpen wonen en leven. Deze groep mensen leven steeds in een verschillende leefwereld, maar hebben wel één gemeenschappelijk doel. Dat gemeenschappelijke doel is het vinden van een plek waar ze kunnen leven en zich veilig kunnen voelen. Om deze plek te vorm te geven, speelt arbeid een belangrijke rol. In deze thesis wordt de vraag gesteld, waarom arbeid belangrijk is voor deze groep mensen. Is arbeid belangrijk voor het beleg op hun boterham te verdienen? Draagt arbeid bij tot een betere integratie? Trajectbegeleiders spelen een belangrijke rol in het leven van deze groep nieuwkomers. Net zoals alle andere mensen zijn trajectbegeleiders mensen met verschillende ideeën, interesses en visies op het uitoefenen van een job en arbeid. In deze thesis zal eveneens gepeild worden naar hoe trajectbegeleiders het hoe en het waarom van arbeid bekijken. In deze thesis is dan ook de hamvraag of trajectbegeleiders net zoals nieuwkomers naar het begrip arbeid kijken.Vanuit de positie van deel van de ontvangende maatschappij, werden de gestelde vragen onderzocht. Maar eerst maakt de lezer kennis met het theoretische oeuvre rond integratie en de link tussen integratie en arbeid. Dit gebeurt aan de hand van de definities, theoretische inzichten rond de koppeling arbeid en integratie, een juridisch en historische context van inburgering in België. Hieraan gekoppeld worden de settings, de methodologie van dit antropologisch onderzoek toegelicht. In het tweede deel wordt het integratieproces van de nieuwkomers en de rol van arbeid in dit proces besproken. In het derde deel worden de hindernissen tijdens het zoeken naar een plek op de arbeidsmarkt opgelijst. In het vierde deel wordt dan gekeken naar de persoon van de trajectbegeleider. In het bijzonder zal nagegaan worden welke rol hij speelt in het integratieproces. Tenslotte volgt achteraf een algemene conclusie en aanbevelingen voor verder onderzoek.

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The ‘villages de l’insertion’ are recent local public and integration policies designed specifically for ‘Roma’ migrants from Eastern Europe in an attempt to regulate the ‘question rom’ in several cities of France. They have been criticised by academic actors and ‘Roma associations’ as disciplinary and assimilatory structures of power, erasing a ‘Roma way of life’ and annihilating their freedom. This paper will attempt to focus on the perspective of the beneficiaries, asking how they experienced and made sense of the power apparatus they were the objects, but also the subjects, of. It is in this perspective that ethnographic fieldwork has been conducted within the AFEJI in Lille, an association that has been commissioned by the local authorities to create the villages from 2007 onwards. Based on participant observation as well as semi- and unstructured interviews, this research asks whether the ‘villages de l’insertion’ in Lille can be defined as disenabling spaces of passive assimilation.

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The current president Mahinda Rajapaksa said: “we have removed the word minorities from our vocabulary”, implying that he managed to bring peaceful coexistence to his people. His speech is in line with the prevailing discourse of reconciliation since peace came in 2009, after more than two decades of civil war. However, violent confrontations between Sinhala Buddhists and mostly Muslims startled Sri Lanka in 2013 and still linger today. With this research I review these tensions and determine that there is not just a hitch in the relationship between both. Two processes, ‘othering’ and ‘autochthony’, have respectively mobilized the Muslims and Sinhala Buddhists. I am of the opinion that the two lengthy processes might jeopardize the peaceful coexistence on the island.In order to understand the current relationship of the groups involved, one needs to look into the past of both. It is for instance surprising that while Muslims have settled on the island from the 7th century onwards, they are not more than a footnote in the main history books of Sri Lanka. In fact, nowadays they still feel invisible or even discriminated against. They feel like fremdkörper because their identity is often only recognized by the majority in terms of stereotypes. To oppose this so called othering, the Muslims for example want to reaffirm their own cultural identity. In addition, they have even consciously differentiated themselves from the other ethnic groups by becoming one themselves (ethnicization). So due to the process of exclusion, they set their boundaries and stand up for themselves. The Sinhala Buddhists on the other hand fear that their ethnicity, culture, religion and privileged position in Sri Lanka are endangered. As sons of the soil they declare themselves the autochthon people of Sri Lanka and yearn for the uncomplicated past, which is an illusion.