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Mongolia --- Inner Mongolia (China) --- Historiography. --- History.
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This book offers the first in-depth examination of Japanese-Mongolian relations from the late nineteenth century through to the middle of the twentieth century and in the process repositions Mongolia in Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese relations. Beginning in 1873, with the intrepid journey to Mongolia by a group of Buddhist monks from one of Kyoto’s largest orders, the relationship later included groups and individuals from across Japanese society, with representatives from the military, academia, business and the bureaucracy. Throughout the book, the interplay between these various groups is examined in depth, arguing that to restrict Japan’s relationship with Mongolia to merely the strategic and as an adjunct to Manchuria, as has been done in other works, neglects important facets of the relationship, including the cultural, religious and economic. It does not, however, ignore the strategic importance of Mongolia to the Japanese military. The author considers the cultural diplomacy of the Zenrin kyôkai , a Japanese quasi-governmental humanitarian organization whose activities in inner Mongolia in the 1930's and 1940's have been almost completely ignored in earlier studies and whose operations suggest that Japanese-Mongolian relations are quite distinct from other Asian peoples. Accordingly, the book makes a major contribution to our understanding of Japanese activities in a part of Asia that figured prominently in pre-war and wartime Japanese strategic and cultural thinking.
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liederen --- anno 2010-2019 --- Flanders --- Mongolia
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Excavations (Archaeology) --- Excavations (Archaeology) --- Grave goods --- Mounds --- Xiongnu (Asian people) --- History --- Antiquities --- Mongolia --- Mongolia --- Noin-Ula Mound (Mongolia). --- Antiquities --- Collection and preservation. --- Antiquities.
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The forms of contemporary society and politics are often understood to be diametrically opposed to any expression of the supernatural; what happens when those forms are themselves regarded as manifestations of spirits and other occult phenomena? In Not Quite Shamans, Morten Axel Pedersen explores how the Darhad people of Northern Mongolia's remote Shishged Valley have understood and responded to the disruptive transition to post socialism by engaging with shamanic beliefs and practices associated with the past. For much of the twentieth century, Mongolia's communist rulers attempted to eradicate shamanism and the shamans who once served as spiritual guides and community leaders. With the transition from a collectivized economy and a one-party state to a global capitalist market and liberal democracy in the 1990's, the people of the Shishged were plunged into a new and harsh world that seemed beyond their control. "Not-quite-shamans"-young, unemployed men whose undirected energies erupted in unpredictable, frightening bouts of violence and drunkenness that seemed occult in their excess- became a serious threat to the fabric of community life. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in Northern Mongolia, Pedersen details how, for many Darhads, the post socialist state itself has become shamanic in nature. In the ideal version of traditional Darhad shamanism, shamans can control when and for what purpose their souls travel, whether to other bodies, landscapes, or worlds. Conversely, caught between uncontrollable spiritual powers and an excessive display of physical force, the "not-quite-shamans" embody the chaotic forms-the free market, neoliberal reform, and government corruption-that have created such upheaval in peoples' lives. As an experimental ethnography of recent political and economic transformations in Mongolia through the defamiliarizing prism of shamans and their lack, Not Quite Shamans is an attempt to write about as well as theorize post socialism, and shamanism, in a new way.
Shamanism --- Post-communism --- Postcommunism --- World politics --- Communism --- Religions --- Political aspects --- Mongolia --- Politics and government --- Shamanism - Political aspects - Mongolia --- Post-communism - Mongolia --- Mongolia - Politics and government - 1992 --- -Shamanism --- Chamanisme --- Postcommunisme --- Aspect politique --- Mongolie --- Politique et gouvernement
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Nomads --- Nomads --- Collective memory --- Nomades --- Nomades --- Mémoire collective --- Social conditions --- Social life and customs --- Conditions sociales --- Moeurs et coutumes --- Mongolia --- Mongolia --- Mongolia --- Mongolie --- Mongolie --- Mongolie --- Civilization --- Politics and government --- Economic conditions --- Civilisation --- Politique et gouvernement --- Conditions économiques
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Interviews --- Mongolia --- Politics and government --- Social conditions --- Social life and customs
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Papers presented at the international conference dedicated to the 130th birthday of Mongolist Antoine Mostaert.
Mongolian studies --- Mongolian studies specialists --- Mongolia --- Study and teaching --- Mostaert, Antoine, --- Цэцэгдарь, Г.
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Why do politicians distort public investments? And given that public investments are poor because presumably that is what is politically rational, what types of reforms are likely to be both efficiency improving and compatible with the interests of politicians? This paper explores these two questions in the context of Mongolia. It argues that Mongolian members of parliament have an incentive to over-spend on smaller projects that bring benefits to specific geographical localities and to under-spend on large infrastructure that would bring economic benefits to Mongolia on the whole. The incentive for the former is that members of parliament internalize the political benefits from the provision of particular, targeted benefits to specific communities. The disincentive for the latter is that large infrastructure carries a political risk because the political faction in control of that particular ministry would have access to huge rents and become politically too powerful. The identity of these "winners" is uncertain ex ante, given the relatively egalitarian and ethnically homogenous nature of Mongolia's society and polity. Anticipating this risk, members of parliament are reluctant to fund these projects. Since these large infrastructure projects are crucial for national growth, neglecting them hurts all members of parliament. Members of parliament will therefore support reforms that collectively tie their hands by safeguarding large, strategic investment projects from political interference thereby ensuring that no political faction becomes too powerful. This protection of mega-projects would need to be part of a bargain that also allows geographical targeting of some percentage of the capital budget.
Access to Finance --- Debt Markets --- Incentive Compatible Reform --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Parliamentary Government --- Political Economy --- Poverty Reduction --- Public Investments --- Public Sector Expenditure Policy --- Mongolia
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Why do politicians distort public investments? And given that public investments are poor because presumably that is what is politically rational, what types of reforms are likely to be both efficiency improving and compatible with the interests of politicians? This paper explores these two questions in the context of Mongolia. It argues that Mongolian members of parliament have an incentive to over-spend on smaller projects that bring benefits to specific geographical localities and to under-spend on large infrastructure that would bring economic benefits to Mongolia on the whole. The incentive for the former is that members of parliament internalize the political benefits from the provision of particular, targeted benefits to specific communities. The disincentive for the latter is that large infrastructure carries a political risk because the political faction in control of that particular ministry would have access to huge rents and become politically too powerful. The identity of these "winners" is uncertain ex ante, given the relatively egalitarian and ethnically homogenous nature of Mongolia's society and polity. Anticipating this risk, members of parliament are reluctant to fund these projects. Since these large infrastructure projects are crucial for national growth, neglecting them hurts all members of parliament. Members of parliament will therefore support reforms that collectively tie their hands by safeguarding large, strategic investment projects from political interference thereby ensuring that no political faction becomes too powerful. This protection of mega-projects would need to be part of a bargain that also allows geographical targeting of some percentage of the capital budget.
Access to Finance --- Debt Markets --- Incentive Compatible Reform --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Parliamentary Government --- Political Economy --- Poverty Reduction --- Public Investments --- Public Sector Expenditure Policy --- Mongolia
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