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モンゴル史研究 : 現状と展望
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ISBN: 9784750334295 1920022080004 Year: 2011 Publisher: Tōkyō 東京 Akashi Shoten 明石書店

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Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945
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ISBN: 1283265699 9786613265692 9004212809 9789004212800 9781283265690 6613265691 9781906876197 1906876193 Year: 2011 Publisher: Folkestone Global Oriental

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This book offers the first in-depth examination of Japanese-Mongolian relations from the late nineteenth century through to the middle of the twentieth century and in the process repositions Mongolia in Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese relations. Beginning in 1873, with the intrepid journey to Mongolia by a group of Buddhist monks from one of Kyoto’s largest orders, the relationship later included groups and individuals from across Japanese society, with representatives from the military, academia, business and the bureaucracy. Throughout the book, the interplay between these various groups is examined in depth, arguing that to restrict Japan’s relationship with Mongolia to merely the strategic and as an adjunct to Manchuria, as has been done in other works, neglects important facets of the relationship, including the cultural, religious and economic. It does not, however, ignore the strategic importance of Mongolia to the Japanese military. The author considers the cultural diplomacy of the Zenrin kyôkai , a Japanese quasi-governmental humanitarian organization whose activities in inner Mongolia in the 1930's and 1940's have been almost completely ignored in earlier studies and whose operations suggest that Japanese-Mongolian relations are quite distinct from other Asian peoples. Accordingly, the book makes a major contribution to our understanding of Japanese activities in a part of Asia that figured prominently in pre-war and wartime Japanese strategic and cultural thinking.

Keywords

Japan --- Mongolia --- Japan --- Japan --- Mongolia --- Relations --- Relations --- History --- History --- History


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Shame, shame : for voices, ikel, morin khuur, denshig and piano
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Year: 2011 Publisher: [Singapore] Robert Casteels

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liederen --- anno 2010-2019 --- Flanders --- Mongolia


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Dvadcatyj noin-ulinskij kurgan
Authors: --- --- ---
ISBN: 9785905727016 Year: 2011 Publisher: Novosibirsk : INFOLIO,

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Not Quite Shamans
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ISBN: 0801461413 080146093X 9780801460937 0801449103 9780801449109 0801476208 9780801476204 9780801449109 9780801476204 9780801461415 Year: 2011 Publisher: Ithaca, NY

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The forms of contemporary society and politics are often understood to be diametrically opposed to any expression of the supernatural; what happens when those forms are themselves regarded as manifestations of spirits and other occult phenomena? In Not Quite Shamans, Morten Axel Pedersen explores how the Darhad people of Northern Mongolia's remote Shishged Valley have understood and responded to the disruptive transition to post socialism by engaging with shamanic beliefs and practices associated with the past. For much of the twentieth century, Mongolia's communist rulers attempted to eradicate shamanism and the shamans who once served as spiritual guides and community leaders. With the transition from a collectivized economy and a one-party state to a global capitalist market and liberal democracy in the 1990's, the people of the Shishged were plunged into a new and harsh world that seemed beyond their control. "Not-quite-shamans"-young, unemployed men whose undirected energies erupted in unpredictable, frightening bouts of violence and drunkenness that seemed occult in their excess- became a serious threat to the fabric of community life. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in Northern Mongolia, Pedersen details how, for many Darhads, the post socialist state itself has become shamanic in nature. In the ideal version of traditional Darhad shamanism, shamans can control when and for what purpose their souls travel, whether to other bodies, landscapes, or worlds. Conversely, caught between uncontrollable spiritual powers and an excessive display of physical force, the "not-quite-shamans" embody the chaotic forms-the free market, neoliberal reform, and government corruption-that have created such upheaval in peoples' lives. As an experimental ethnography of recent political and economic transformations in Mongolia through the defamiliarizing prism of shamans and their lack, Not Quite Shamans is an attempt to write about as well as theorize post socialism, and shamanism, in a new way.


Book
Harnessing fortune : personhood, memory, and place in Mongolia
Authors: ---
ISBN: 9780197264737 0197264735 Year: 2011 Publisher: Oxford : Published for British Academy by Oxford University Press,


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Socialist devotees and dissenters : three twentieth-century Mongolian leaders
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Year: 2011 Publisher: 国立民族学博物館

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Антоон Мостаэрт ба монгол судлал
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ISBN: 9789996205934 Year: 2011 Publisher: Улаанбаатар Адмон

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Papers presented at the international conference dedicated to the 130th birthday of Mongolist Antoine Mostaert.


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Incentive Compatible Reforms : The Political Economy of Public Investments in Mongolia
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Year: 2011 Publisher: Washington, D.C., The World Bank,

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Why do politicians distort public investments? And given that public investments are poor because presumably that is what is politically rational, what types of reforms are likely to be both efficiency improving and compatible with the interests of politicians? This paper explores these two questions in the context of Mongolia. It argues that Mongolian members of parliament have an incentive to over-spend on smaller projects that bring benefits to specific geographical localities and to under-spend on large infrastructure that would bring economic benefits to Mongolia on the whole. The incentive for the former is that members of parliament internalize the political benefits from the provision of particular, targeted benefits to specific communities. The disincentive for the latter is that large infrastructure carries a political risk because the political faction in control of that particular ministry would have access to huge rents and become politically too powerful. The identity of these "winners" is uncertain ex ante, given the relatively egalitarian and ethnically homogenous nature of Mongolia's society and polity. Anticipating this risk, members of parliament are reluctant to fund these projects. Since these large infrastructure projects are crucial for national growth, neglecting them hurts all members of parliament. Members of parliament will therefore support reforms that collectively tie their hands by safeguarding large, strategic investment projects from political interference thereby ensuring that no political faction becomes too powerful. This protection of mega-projects would need to be part of a bargain that also allows geographical targeting of some percentage of the capital budget.


Book
Incentive Compatible Reforms : The Political Economy of Public Investments in Mongolia
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Year: 2011 Publisher: Washington, D.C., The World Bank,

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Why do politicians distort public investments? And given that public investments are poor because presumably that is what is politically rational, what types of reforms are likely to be both efficiency improving and compatible with the interests of politicians? This paper explores these two questions in the context of Mongolia. It argues that Mongolian members of parliament have an incentive to over-spend on smaller projects that bring benefits to specific geographical localities and to under-spend on large infrastructure that would bring economic benefits to Mongolia on the whole. The incentive for the former is that members of parliament internalize the political benefits from the provision of particular, targeted benefits to specific communities. The disincentive for the latter is that large infrastructure carries a political risk because the political faction in control of that particular ministry would have access to huge rents and become politically too powerful. The identity of these "winners" is uncertain ex ante, given the relatively egalitarian and ethnically homogenous nature of Mongolia's society and polity. Anticipating this risk, members of parliament are reluctant to fund these projects. Since these large infrastructure projects are crucial for national growth, neglecting them hurts all members of parliament. Members of parliament will therefore support reforms that collectively tie their hands by safeguarding large, strategic investment projects from political interference thereby ensuring that no political faction becomes too powerful. This protection of mega-projects would need to be part of a bargain that also allows geographical targeting of some percentage of the capital budget.

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