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Conservatism --- United States --- History

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Die Forderung nach »Elite« hat Konjunktur. Dabei wohnt der Debatte die Tendenz inne, vom Bestehen gesellschaftlicher Funktionseliten auf die Existenz einer generell höher begabten Menschengruppe zu schließen. Die Befähigung zur »Elite« wird schließlich auf die biologische Disposition einer privilegierten Gruppe zurückgeführt: ihre »Rasse«, vererbte Intelligenz oder genetische Veranlagung.Volker Weiß analysiert, wie sich das Bedürfnis nach Abgrenzung einer Elite in Deutschlands jüngerer Vergangenheit äußerte: von Ortega y Gasset und Friedrich Sieburg über Botho Strauß bis hin zu Peter Sloterdijk und Thilo Sarrazin. Er weist nach, dass dieses Bedürfnis nach »Elite« in direkter Tradition der republikfeindlichen Theoretiker der Weimarer Zeit steht und heute von einer »neuen« Rechten befeuert wird, der an einer konservativen Revolution gelegen ist. Ihr Ziel ist die Revision gesellschaftlicher Liberalisierungen seit dem Ende der sechziger Jahre. Neu ist, dass sich diese Strömung nicht nur mit dem Gestus der Opfer und Tabubrecher präsentiert, sondern dass sie mit dieser Strategie Erfolg hat.

Faschismus --- Nationalsozialismus --- Neue Rechte --- Politik --- Staat --- Conservatism

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Few question the “right turn” America took after 1966, when liberal political power began to wane. But if they did, No Right Turn suggests, they might discover that all was not really “right” with the conservative golden age. A provocative overview of a half century of American politics, the book takes a hard look at the counterrevolutionary dreams of liberalism’s enemies—to overturn people’s reliance on expanding government, reverse the moral and sexual revolutions, and win the Culture War—and finds them largely unfulfilled. David T. Courtwright deftly profiles celebrated and controversial figures, from Clare Boothe Luce, Barry Goldwater, and the Kennedy brothers to Jerry Falwell, David Stockman, and Lee Atwater. He shows us Richard Nixon’s keen talent for turning popular anxieties about morality and federal meddling to Republican advantage—and his inability to translate this advantage into reactionary policies. Corporate interests, boomer lifestyles, and the media weighed heavily against Nixon and his successors, who placated their base with high-profile attacks on crime, drugs, and welfare dependency. Meanwhile, religious conservatives floundered on abortion and school prayer, obscenity, gay rights, and legalized vices like gambling, and fiscal conservatives watched in dismay as the bills mounted. We see how President Reagan’s mélange of big government, strong defense, lower taxes, higher deficits, mass imprisonment, and patriotic symbolism proved an illusory form of conservatism. Ultimately, conservatives themselves rebelled against George W. Bush’s profligate brand of Reaganism. Courtwright’s account is both surprising and compelling, a bracing argument against some of our most cherished clichés about recent American history.

Conservatism --- Christianity and politics --- United States --- Politics and government --- Religion

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Sydney Anglicans, always ultra-conservative in terms of liturgy, theology and personal morality, have increasingly modelled themselves on sixteenth century English Puritanism. Over the past few decades, they have added radical congregationalism to the mix. Under Archbishop Peter Jensen they have become prominent in the leadership of the global movement that is threatening worldwide Anglican unity. Porter unpacks how Australia's largest diocese developed its ideological fervour and explores the impact it is having both in Australia and the Anglican Communion.

Conservatism --- Religious aspects --- Anglican Communion. --- Anglican Church of Australia.

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Conservatism --- Conservatisme --- History --- Sources --- Histoire --- Russia --- Europe --- Russie --- Politics and government --- Relations --- Politique et gouvernement