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The authors examine the trade policy response of Latin American governments to the rapid growth of China and India in world markets. To explain higher protection in sectors where a large share is imported from these countries, they extend the "protection for sale" model to allow for different degrees of substitutability between domestically produced and imported varieties. The extension suggests that higher levels of protection toward Chinese goods can be explained by high substitutability between domestically produced goods and Chinese goods, whereas lower levels of protection toward goods imported from India can be explained by low substitutability with domestically produced goods. The data support the extension to the "protection for sale" model, which performs better than the original specification in terms of explaining Latin America's structure of protection.
Consumption --- Currencies and Exchange Rates --- Debt Markets --- Demands --- Domestic Prices --- Economic Growth --- Economic Theory and Research --- Economies --- Emerging Markets --- Equilibrium --- Exogenous Shocks --- Export Growth --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Fixed Effects --- Free Trade --- Globalization and Financial Integration --- Import --- Imports --- International Economics & Trade --- International Trade and Trade Rules --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Markets and Market Access --- Political Economy --- Private Sector Development --- Public Sector Development --- Quotas --- Rapid Growth --- Tariff Barriers --- Trade Defic Trade Integration --- Trade Policies --- Trade Policy --- Weight --- World Markets
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The authors examine the trade policy response of Latin American governments to the rapid growth of China and India in world markets. To explain higher protection in sectors where a large share is imported from these countries, they extend the "protection for sale" model to allow for different degrees of substitutability between domestically produced and imported varieties. The extension suggests that higher levels of protection toward Chinese goods can be explained by high substitutability between domestically produced goods and Chinese goods, whereas lower levels of protection toward goods imported from India can be explained by low substitutability with domestically produced goods. The data support the extension to the "protection for sale" model, which performs better than the original specification in terms of explaining Latin America's structure of protection.
Consumption --- Currencies and Exchange Rates --- Debt Markets --- Demands --- Domestic Prices --- Economic Growth --- Economic Theory and Research --- Economies --- Emerging Markets --- Equilibrium --- Exogenous Shocks --- Export Growth --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Fixed Effects --- Free Trade --- Globalization and Financial Integration --- Import --- Imports --- International Economics & Trade --- International Trade and Trade Rules --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Markets and Market Access --- Political Economy --- Private Sector Development --- Public Sector Development --- Quotas --- Rapid Growth --- Tariff Barriers --- Trade Defic Trade Integration --- Trade Policies --- Trade Policy --- Weight --- World Markets
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The "rise of Asia" is something of a myth. During 1990-2005 China accounted for 28 percent of global growth, measured at purchasing power parity (PPP). India accounted for 9 percent. The rest of developing Asia, with nearly a billion people, accounted for only 7 percent, the same as Latin America. Hence there is no general success of Asian developing economies. China has grown better than its developing neighbors because it started its reform with a better base of human capital, has been more open to foreign trade and investment, and created good investment climates in coastal cities. China's success changes the equation going forward: its wages are now two to three times higher than in the populous Asian countries (Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Vietnam), and China will become an ever-larger importer of natural resource and labor-intensive products. Developing countries need to become more open and improve their investment climates to benefit from these opportunities. China itself faces new challenges that could hamper its further development: unsustainable trade imbalance with the United States, energy and water scarcity and unsustainable use of natural resources, and growing inequality and social tension. To address the first two of these challenges, good cooperation between China and the United States is essential. The author concludes that we are more likely to be facing a "multi-polar century," than an Asian century.
Currencies and Exchange Rates --- Debt Markets --- Demographic --- Developing Countries --- Developing Economies --- Economic Performance --- Economic Performances --- Economic Theory and Research --- Emerging Markets --- Energy --- Energy Production and Transportation --- Exchange --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Financial Literacy --- Foreign Trade --- Future --- Future Prospects --- Globalization --- Growth Rate --- Health, Nutrition and Population --- Human Capital --- International Economics & Trade --- Investment --- Investment Climate --- Investment Climates --- Labor Policies --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Natural Resource --- Natural Resources --- Population Policies --- Poverty Reduction --- Power Parity --- Private Sector Development --- Pro-Poor Growth --- Purchasing Power --- Rapid Growth --- Social Protections and Labor --- Trade and Regional Integration
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The "rise of Asia" is something of a myth. During 1990-2005 China accounted for 28 percent of global growth, measured at purchasing power parity (PPP). India accounted for 9 percent. The rest of developing Asia, with nearly a billion people, accounted for only 7 percent, the same as Latin America. Hence there is no general success of Asian developing economies. China has grown better than its developing neighbors because it started its reform with a better base of human capital, has been more open to foreign trade and investment, and created good investment climates in coastal cities. China's success changes the equation going forward: its wages are now two to three times higher than in the populous Asian countries (Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Vietnam), and China will become an ever-larger importer of natural resource and labor-intensive products. Developing countries need to become more open and improve their investment climates to benefit from these opportunities. China itself faces new challenges that could hamper its further development: unsustainable trade imbalance with the United States, energy and water scarcity and unsustainable use of natural resources, and growing inequality and social tension. To address the first two of these challenges, good cooperation between China and the United States is essential. The author concludes that we are more likely to be facing a "multi-polar century," than an Asian century.
Currencies and Exchange Rates --- Debt Markets --- Demographic --- Developing Countries --- Developing Economies --- Economic Performance --- Economic Performances --- Economic Theory and Research --- Emerging Markets --- Energy --- Energy Production and Transportation --- Exchange --- Finance and Financial Sector Development --- Financial Literacy --- Foreign Trade --- Future --- Future Prospects --- Globalization --- Growth Rate --- Health, Nutrition and Population --- Human Capital --- International Economics & Trade --- Investment --- Investment Climate --- Investment Climates --- Labor Policies --- Macroeconomics and Economic Growth --- Natural Resource --- Natural Resources --- Population Policies --- Poverty Reduction --- Power Parity --- Private Sector Development --- Pro-Poor Growth --- Purchasing Power --- Rapid Growth --- Social Protections and Labor --- Trade and Regional Integration
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