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history --- political history --- cultural history --- rural history
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Jihad --- Jihād --- Islam --- Political History --- Essay On Jihad
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À l'ouest, à l'est ou au sud, on observe en Europe une résurgence des affrontements politiques autour de l'interprétation des conflits du passé. Un ajustement mémoriel entre la « nouvelle » et la « vieille » Europe est demandé par les nouveaux États membres de l'Union européenne (UE), qui se pose comme acteur dans la gestion de ces passés. De nombreux dispositifs institutionnels sont créés afin de produire de la réconciliation et du rapprochement, dans le cadre de sorties de conflits armés (ex-Yougoslavie, Irlande du Nord), de sortie de régime autoritaire (Europe du Sud, Europe centrale et orientale) ou encore d'héritages bilatéraux conflictuels (Allemagne/République tchèque, Pologne/Ukraine, Grèce/Turquie). Les façons de prendre en charge ces « brûlures du passé » sont très hétérogènes et c'est tout l'intérêt de cet ouvrage de donner à voir les mille facettes de ce mouvement de fond qui travaille nombre de sociétés européennes. Commissions bilatérales d'historiens, activités professionnalisées d'assistance au maintien de la paix, dispositifs muséographiques spécifiques ou interventions dans des arènes internationales (Conseil de l'Europe, OSCE, UE) : autant de stratégies d'historicisation des héritages conflictuels, visant la pacification des rapports sociaux ou la reconnaissance symbolique et l'intégration aux récits nationaux. Rendant compte de ces évolutions, les auteurs, spécialistes reconnus des différentes aires géopolitiques, s'intéressent aux pratiques des acteurs, à leurs manières de construire des agendas spécifiques, d'élaborer des prises en charge politiques ou humanitaires des situations post-conflits et de créer des modèles ou des savoir-faire particuliers, parfois porteurs de nouvelles formes d'intervention sociale.
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Elite (Social sciences) --- Competition --- Social mobility --- Elite (Sciences sociales) --- Concurrence --- Mobilité sociale --- History. --- Histoire --- Mobilité sociale --- Political history --- Citizen emulation --- Elites --- 19th-20th centuries
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Communication --- Politics, Practical --- Politique --- Political aspects --- Aspect politique --- Great Britain - Contemporary Political History - 20th-21st Century. --- Propagande électorale --- Communication en politique --- Grande-Bretagne --- 1970-2000 --- 1990-....
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A survey of the reign of Henry II, offering a range of new evaluations and interpretations. Henry II is the most imposing figure among the medieval kings of England. His fiefs and domains extended from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean, and his court was frequented by the greatest thinkers and men of letters of his time, besides ambassadors from all over Europe. Yet his is a reign of paradoxes: best known for his dramatic conflicts with his own wife and sons and with Thomas Becket, it was also a crucial period in the evolution of legal and governmental institutions. Here experts in the field provide significant reevaluations of its most important aspects. Topics include Henry's accession and his relations with the papacy, the French king, other rulers in the British Isles and the Norman baronage; the development of the common law and the coinage; the court and its literary milieu; the use of Arthurian legend for political purposes; and the career of the Young King Henry, while the introduction examines the historiography of the reign. CONTRIBUTORS: MARTIN ALLEN, MARTIN AURELL, NICK BARRATT, PAUL BRAND, SEAN DUFFY, ANNE DUGGAN, JEAN DUBABIN, JOHN GILLINGHAM, EDMUND KING, DANIEL POWER, IAN SHORT, MATTHEW STRICKLAND. CHRISTOPHER HARPER-BILL and NICHOLAS VINCENT are Professors of Medieval History at the University of East Anglia.
Henry --- Hendrik --- Henricus --- Great Britain --- England --- Kings and rulers. --- History --- Kings and rulers --- HISTORY / Medieval. --- Henry II. --- Legal institutions. --- Medieval king. --- Political history.
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Au printemps 1994, au Rwanda, près d'un million de personnes ont été exterminées en quelques semaines. À un rythme trois fois plus élevé que le génocide des juifs d'Europe. Comment un tel crime de masse a-t-il été rendu possible ? Quelle est la responsabilité des grandes puissances occidentales et de la France, surtout, si proche des génocidaires ? Après quatre ans d'enquête, dans les archives du monde entier, sur le terrain, auprès des militaires français, rwandais et belges, à interroger diplomates et politiques, Gabriel Périès et David Servenay tentent de répondre à ces questions. À l'aide de témoignages inédits et de documents confidentiels, ils lèvent le voile sur l'une des origines secrètes du génocide rwandais : la doctrine française de la « guerre révolutionnaire ». Des opérations clandestines menées dans le « pré carré » au moment de la décolonisation, en passant par le trouble jeu du général De Gaulle, ils établissent la généalogie de ce qui fut pendant des décennies un véritable savoir-faire de l'armée française. Formalisé pendant la guerre d'Indochine et appliqué en Algérie, il a largement inspiré les dispositifs répressifs mis en place dans un grand nombre d'États africains… dont le Rwanda des années 1960. Et ce n'est pas le fruit du hasard si l'un des meilleurs élèves africains de la « guerre révolutionnaire » perpétra, plus de trois décennies plus tard, le dernier génocide du XXe siècle : hiérarchies politico-militaires parallèles, gardes présidentielles transformées en escadrons de la mort, action psychologique, quadrillage administratif et militaire des populations formèrent un système efficace susceptible de mobiliser toute une société au service du projet exterminateur de ses dirigeants. Cette histoire inconnue éclaire d'un jour nouveau la responsabilité de l'État français dans le génocide rwandais.
Rwanda --- Rwanda --- Rwanda --- France --- Rwanda --- Politics and government --- Politics and government --- History --- Atrocities. --- Foreign relations --- Foreign relations --- Rwanda --- Political History --- Genocide --- 20th Century --- Investigation
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Chartism, the mass movement for democratic rights, dominated British domestic politics in the late 1830's and 1840's. It mobilised over three million supporters at its height. Few modern European social movements, certainly in Britain, have captured the attention of posterity to quite the extent it has done. Encompassing moments of great drama, it is one of the very rare points in British history where it is legitimate to speculate how close the country came to revolution. It is also pivotal to debates around continuity and change in Victorian Britain, gender, language and identity. Chartism:
Chartism. --- Chartist leaders. --- Feargus O'Connor. --- The People's Charter. --- anti-Semitism. --- blatant careerism. --- cultural dimensions. --- personal dishonesty. --- political charlatanry. --- political history. --- political mobilization. --- racism.
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The purpose of this work (book) shall not be an insight into the year 1968 in Slovakia by mapping in detail the development in this period in the economic area, as a certain static picture. The author’s attempt was rather to perceive the events in this year as the outcome of a long-term process, which was actually already determined by the results of WWII. Those results decided that the postwar Czechoslovakia shall belong to the Soviet sphere of influence. The events of February 1948 only confirmed this tendency. A change in the essential social spheres followed and it might be called its systematizm. Not only did the political system change, which was formed into a modern totalitarian form. In the economic area, there were substantial ownership changes and the state became the most significant owner of production means. Gradually, a management system was taken over, which copied the Soviet forms, and the social structure of the society changed almost completely. In Slovakia, the socialist industrialization of the country was happening after February in this connection, supported by the investment from national funds. The importance of industry was increasing; economic activity of the population was growing. The economic growth in the monitored decade in Slovakia was actually in such a state that it provided for advancing towards the level achieved in the Czech countries in relative indicators, but on the other hand, in some of the crucial indicators the absolute differences were growing – e.g. created national income per inhabitant. The problems in the economic development were pointed out by the Slovak economists in the long term and their criticism was also gradually adopted by Alexander Dubček. His critical appearance in September 1967 had actually become a prologue to the events which became known as the Czechoslovak Spring 1968. Naturally, the problems of economic development did not only exist in Slovakia, but on the national level as well, and the economic crisis from the first half of the 1960s began the Šik’s reform. This was gradually implemented but it had some negative effects on the Slovak side. In the course of 1968, all these problems were being solved dynamically, not only in the economic area. From the political point of view, there was an attempt to create „socialism with a human face“, but it was the development in 1968 that proved that the socialist system based on the totalitarian ideology was non-reformable. The following year was only a swan-song of the economic reform which was gradually denounced by the new regime representatives. For the following twenty years, the entire Czechoslovak economy was hereby denounced to stagnation and falling behind the developed western countries.
History --- Economic history --- Political history --- Recent History (1900 till today) --- Special Historiographies: --- Post-War period (1950 - 1989) --- History of Communism --- Slovakia --- History.
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