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The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.
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The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.
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The defence of the market and economic freedom have been the main objectives of the investigations by liberal thinkers such as Milton Friedman, Gary Becker, F Hayek and L Von Mises. Bearing in mind that the first two economists are the maximum exponents of the Chicago School and the last two of the Austrian School, it is often concluded that the theories of both schools are similar. This book demonstrates that in reality, there is no convergence or complementariness to be found between both schools of thought. The anthropological categories, contributed by Mises, allow us to understand all human phenomena from the view of the man who acts. In this view, economics is part of a philosophical system whose core is the creative capacity of people. Becker's work, on the other hand, is concentrated on the generalization of the homo economicus as the basis for explaining all human behaviour. He generalizes the maximizing principle to explain all human reality, and extends the scope of the application of a so-called scientific and technical view of the world. In this key volume, an important read for those in the fields of economic theory and political economy, Javier Aranzadi argues, in essence, that the tradition of Hayek and Mises encourages a humanistic liberalism, whereas the Chicago School proposes only a technical humanism.
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Née dans une famille juive lithuanienne d'expression allemande, exilée aux États-Unis à l'aube de la Seconde guerre mondiale, Judith Shklar (1928-1992) fut au cœur des grands tourments du siècle. Marquée par le désenchantement des années d'après-guerre, sa pensée politique s'inscrit dans la grande tradition sceptique inspirée de Montaigne.
Liberalism --- Liberalism --- History --- Philosophy.
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Liberalism --- Liberalism - United States --- Liberalism - Europe
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According to mainstream economic thinking, inspired by the ideas of Smith, Ricardo and others, globalisation of the world economy is profitable. But unlike these classic writers, neoliberal economists pay little attention to the moral and social consequences of economic policies. Despite the fact that present social circumstances differ a great deal from those in the time of Smith and Ricardo they keep maintaining that "an invisible hand" will further social ends. In doing so they ignore growing poverty worldwide and the exclusion of countries from the international legal order and of people from the right to social participation and freedom. This book pays attention to economic aspects of globalisation and also to philosophical, legal, social, cultural, ethical and ecological aspects. Its aim is to contribute to possible solutions for worldwide problems that accompany the globalisation process.
Globalization --- Sustainable development --- Neoliberalism --- Neo-liberalism --- Liberalism
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Le débat intellectuel et public français cherche ses nouveaux repères. Après l'échec des régimes communistes, les idées marxistes sont aujourd'hui frappées de discrédit. Leur emprise s'est relâchée : les substituts altermondialiste ou populiste ne sont pas les seules alternatives. En réalité, le nouveau contexte libère l'espace de la pensée politique en autorisant la remise au débat du libéralisme. La France se déclare quasi unanimement anti-libérale dans un monde devenu libéral. L'antilibéralisme, ce véritable ciment d'une idéologie française, vient à nouveau d'être illustré par le rejet du référendum constitutionnel et du contrat de première embauche censé apporter une réponse à la grave crise du chômage des jeunes. Pourtant, la plupart de ses gouvernements, de gauche comme de droite, ont conduit, sans parfois oser l'avouer, nombre de réformes inspirées par le libéralisme - à commencer par l'adhésion à l'Europe et à ses règles. Pourtant, inventé par la France au Siècle des Lumières, le libéralisme irrigue profondément les racines de notre Révolution et de notre République, se distinguant de sa définition anglo-saxonne. En éclairant son passé et en lui restituant son importance, c'est toute l'histoire de notre démocratie qui pourra apparaître sous un jour nouveau. Le divorce entre l'opinion française et le libéralisme paraît ainsi relever d'un vaste malentendu qu'il faut aujourd'hui dissiper. Que s'est-il donc passé ? De quelles frustrations ce paradoxe est-il révélateur ? Comment le libéralisme, synonyme de la gauche progressiste en France jusqu'au début du XIXe siècle - et encore aujourd'hui presque partout ailleurs que chez nous - s'est-il trouvé rejeté à la droite - voire à l'extrême droite - de notre échiquier politique ? Comment notre société s'est-elle édifiée un aussi monumental tabou ? Le moment est venu de faire la psychanalyse de cette peur irraisonnée qui gangrène depuis trop longtemps la pensée politique de notre pays. Pour s'implanter durablement dans notre pays, le libéralisme doit redevenir populaire.
Liberalism --- Social movements --- France
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