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The most productive (`star') bioscientists possessed intellectual human capital of extraordinary scientific and pecuniary value for some 10-15 yrs after Cohen & Boyer's 1973 founding discovery for biotechnology. This extraordinary value was due to the union of still scarce knowledge of the new research techniques and genius to apply these techniques in valuable ways. As in other sciences, star bioscientists were particularly protective of their ideas in the early years of the revolution, tending to collaborate more within their own institution which slowed diffusion to other scientists. Therefore, close, bench-level working ties between stars and firm scientists were needed to accomplish commercialization of the breakthroughs. Where and when the star scientists were actively producing academic publications is a key determinant of where and when commercial firms began to use biotechnology. The extent of collaboration by a firm's scientists with stars is a powerful predictor of its success: for each 9 articles co-authored by an academic star and firm scientists about 3 more products in development, 1 more on the market and 1550 more employees are estimated. Such collaboration with firms, or employment, also results in significantly higher rates of citation to articles written with the firm. The U.S. scientific and economic infrastructure has been quite effective in fostering and commercializing the bioscientific revolution. To provide an indication of international competitiveness, we estimate stars' distribution, commercial involvement and migration across the top 10 countries in bioscience. These results let us inside the black box to see how scientific breakthroughs become economic growth and consider the implications for policy.
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Examines U.S. and world soybean, oilseed and vegetable oil production, prices; includes U.S. cottonseed, peanuts, sunflowerseed, other special oilseeds, tropical oils, corn oil, and animal fats.
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Using data on gross output for two-digit manufacturing industries, we find that an increase in the output of one manufacturing sector has little or no significant effect on the productivity of other sectors. Using value-added data, however, we confirm the results of previous studies which find that output spillovers instead appear large. We provide an explanation for these differences, showing why, with imperfect competition, the use of value-added data leads to a spurious finding of large apparent external effects.
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Industries --- China.
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We examine how two highly successful new biotechnology firms (NBFs) source their most critical input -- scientific knowledge. We find that scientists at the two NBFs enter into large numbers of collaborative research efforts with scientists at other organizations, especially universities. Formal market contracts are rarely used to govern these exchanges of scientific knowledge. Our findings suggest that the use of boundary-spanning social networks by the two NBFs increases both their learning and their flexibility in ways that would not be possible within a self-contained hierarchical organization.
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Space in economics. --- Industries --- Location --- Industries - Location
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Kuo contrasts the economic evolutions of Taiwan and thePhilippines as the product of government and industry relations.The two nations shared many economic similarities-yet Taiwan movedfrom clientelism to state corporatism, while in the Philippinesclientelism remains deeply entrenched.
Kuo's case studies in the textile, plywood, and electronicsindustries support these general arguments. He finds thatclientelism invariably leads to economic problems, while alaissez-faire approach is unpredictable. The best formula forindustrial success in a developing nation is close cooperationbetween business and government.
.Industries --- Industries --- Industrial policy --- Industrial policy
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Defense industries --- Defense industries --- Government policy
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