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This volume offers a nuanced picture of the details of specific instances of religion and politics in Muslim, Jewish, Christian, Buddhist, and Hindu contexts (some geographical, some thematic), broadly presenting the phenomenon of religion and politics via country and thematic case studies. Qualitative, quantitative, material, philosophical, and theological analyses draw upon social theory to show how (and why) religion matters deeply in each time and place. The authors and contributors demonstrate that religion is a significant force that drives societies and polities around the world, and that a radical change in the Western understanding of value-driven global politics is needed. It offers new local voices that many Western audiences have not yet heard. The essays in this volume suggest the need for an appreciation of Divinity as a quintessence holding a significant place in the hearts, minds, social orders, and political organization of polities around the world.
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"The Political Economy of Populism explores the interplay between identity, the economy and inequality to explain the dynamics of populist votes since the beginning of the 20th century. The book discusses the political and economic implications of populist governance using data on populist incumbencies and linking it to historical data on the macro economy and democracy. Chapters draw from the most recent political science, economics and other social science literature, as well as historical data, to explain the long-term causes and consequences of populism. Populism emerges and gains traction when political entrepreneurs exploit underlying identity conflicts for political gains. As the distributional consequences of both economic distress and economic growth typically favor the elite over the poor and the lower middle class, economic shocks usually sharpen the underlying identity conflicts between the groups. The book provides evidence of significant differences in the ways fiscal and monetary policies are conducted by incumbent populists in Latin America, Europe and the OECD. The work concludes by suggesting avenues through which a 21st century social consensus can be built, so that our society can avoid repeating the mistakes that led to wars and failed economic experiments in the 20th century. This book marks a significant contribution to the study of populism and is suited to students and scholars across the social sciences, including economics, political science and sociology. Petar Stankov is a Teaching Fellow in the Economics Department at Royal Holloway, University of London, UK, and a Senior Lecturer at the University of National and World Economy, Sofia, Bulgaria. The e-version of this book will be published open access"-- Provided by publisher.
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This book emphasizes reflections on social relations and power that arepossible to delineate in the production/reproduction of inequality and precariousness in the ordercolonial, patriarchal and capitalist; in the radical or necropolitical violence that characterizes the scene contemporary, and along with it, the resistance processes that oppose and fracture it. From that will to oppose, fracture and also to transform, we emphasize the character committed to the investigations that each chapter presents, and that activist or militant seeks contribute to the construction of knowledge that transcends the traditional logic of thinking and produce knowledge. Thus, we distinguish the possibility of a research practice that contributes to the struggles and social transformations, either making them visible or generating theoretical debates in where political positions have a place.
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Traces the main discourses associated with normalcy in world politics. Gezim Visoka and Nicolas Lemay-Hebert focus on how dominant states and international organisations try to manage global affairs through imposing normalcy over fragile states, restoring normalcy over disaster-affected states, and accepting normalcy over suppressive states.
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Do countries fight wars for oil? Given the resource's exceptional military and economic importance, most people assume that states will do anything to obtain it. Challenging this conventional wisdom, 'The Oil Wars Myth' reveals that countries do not launch major conflicts to acquire petroleum resources. Emily Meierding argues that the costs of foreign invasion, territorial occupation, international retaliation, and damage to oil company relations deter even the most powerful countries from initiating 'classic oil wars.' Examining a century of interstate violence, she demonstrates that, at most, countries have engaged in mild sparring to advance their petroleum ambitions. 'The Oil Wars Myth' elaborates on these findings by reassessing the presumed oil motives for many of the twentieth century's most prominent international conflicts.
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This study on the debates on the question of alcohol in the socialist parties belonging to the Second International (1889-1914) and in the first years of the Russian Revolution aims to show how socialist organizations tried to address the fight against addictions in the heart of the working class. The socialists argued that addictions, as a social phenomenon, are the product of the conditions generated by capitalist exploitation, and therefore cannot be combated with punishment, but must be treated, on the one hand, through social reforms, and on the another, like any other disease, with medical treatment. At the same time, they argued that one of the main sources of the abuse of drink among the working masses was the despair and indifferentism resulting from it, and that the fight against addictions could only be waged by inspiring the workers with a cause to fight for. , that is, with a higher ideal of life like the one offered by socialism.
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