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Why nationalism is a permanent political force - and how it can be harnessed once again for liberal ends. Populist politicians exploit nationalism for authoritarian, chauvinistic, racist, and xenophobic purposes, reinforcing the view that it is fundamentally reactionary and antidemocratic. The author makes a passionate argument for a very different kind of nationalism - one that revives its participatory, creative, and egalitarian virtues, answers many of the problems caused by neoliberalism and hyperglobalism, and is essential to democracy at its best.
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The Lost History of Liberalism challenges our most basic assumptions about a political creed that has become a rallying cry - and a term of derision - in today's increasingly divided public square. Taking readers from ancient Rome to today, Helena Rosenblatt traces the evolution of the words "liberal" and "liberalism," revealing the heated debates that have taken place over their meaning. In this timely and provocative book, Rosenblatt debunks the popular myth of liberalism as a uniquely Anglo-American tradition centered on individual rights. She shows that it was the French Revolution that gave birth to liberalism and Germans who transformed it. Only in the mid-twentieth century did the concept become widely known in the United States--and then, as now, its meaning was hotly debated. Liberals were originally moralists at heart. They believed in the power of religion to reform society, emphasized the sanctity of the family, and never spoke of rights without speaking of duties. It was only during the Cold War and America's growing world hegemony that liberalism was refashioned into an American ideology focused so strongly on individual freedoms. Today, we still can't seem to agree on liberalism's meaning. In the United States, a "liberal" is someone who advocates big government, while in France, big government is contrary to "liberalism." Political debates become befuddled because of semantic and conceptual confusion. The Lost History of Liberalism sets the record straight on a core tenet of today's political conversation and lays the foundations for a more constructive discussion about the future of liberal democracy.
Liberalism --- History. --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy
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Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Sociology of culture --- Denmark
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Le XXXIVe Congrès de l'Association des Sociétés de Philosophie de Langue Française (ASPLF) s'est tenu à Louvain-la-Neuve et Bruxelles du 21 au 25 août 2012 et a porté sur la thématique de la citoyenneté. Le présent volume des Actes reprend une soixantaine d'une d'interventions (conférences plénières, tables rondes, contributions à des sessions particulières) présentées lors du Congrès. Parmi les questions abordées en lien avec la citoyenneté, pointons particulièrement celles de la laïcité et de la place des convictions religieuses dans l'espace public, de la représentation politique, du concept de citoyenneté dans l'histoire de la philosophie, du pluralisme culturel, du cosmopolitisme, des interactions avec la science et les techniques dans la société, des droits fondamentaux, de l'ducation, etc. L'œuvre de Jean-Jacques Rousseau est également à l'honneur dans ce volume puisqu'on célébrait en 2012 le tricentenaire de sa naissance.
Social ethics --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Human rights --- Citoyenneté --- Laïcité --- Citizenship --- Congresses --- Laicism --- Citoyenneté. --- Laïcité.
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Economic order --- Capital --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Capitalisme --- Economie marxiste --- Capitalism --- Marxian economics. --- Capitalism.
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Neo-Latin literature --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- Utopias --- Utopies --- Early works to 1800 --- Ouvrages avant 1800
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Republics --- République --- History --- Histoire --- Political philosophy. Social philosophy --- World history
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Denker des Vaderlands René ten Bos ontwikkelt op eigenzinnige wijze een nieuwe visie op de tegenstelling tussen volk en elite. In Plato's beroemde allegorie van de grot wordt het volk door de ontwikkelde mens aangespoord om de grot te verlaten en naar buiten te treden om zichzelf te verlichten. Ten Bos denkt echter dat het volk er helemaal geen behoefte aan heeft om de grot te verlaten, en stelt dat het klassieke ideaal van de paideia (het ontwikkelen van de mensen die we nu 'het volk' noemen) altijd al hopeloos is geweest. Want de elite kan wel vinden dat het volk uit de grot moet komen om zijn geest te ontwikkelen, maar het is de vraag of het aanbod van de verlichte geest wel aantrekkelijk genoeg is. Is het niet te abstract of te intellectualistisch? Willen we begrijpen wat het volk is en wat het wil, dan hebben we volgens Ten Bos een radicale speleologie nodig. We moeten ons verdiepen in de grotbewoners, wat niet wil zeggen dat we moeten worden zoals zij. De analyse in Het volk in de grot leidt naar een duiding van de kloof tussen wetenschap en maatschappij. Uiteindelijk gaat het Ten Bos om de vraag in hoeverre wetenschap bevrijdend kan zijn.
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