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Nathan Brown's penetrating account of the development and operation of the courts in the Arab world is based on fieldwork in Egypt and the Gulf. The book addresses several important questions. Why, for example, did Egypt's political leaders construct an independent judicial system that limited their own authority? And why does such a system appeal to Arab rulers outside Egypt? While most accounts stress the role of imperialism or liberal ideology, the author maintains that the primary purpose of the system is to provide support for the officially sanctioned order. The model offers similar attractions for other Arab rulers. From the theoretical perspective, the book will contribute to the debates about liberal legality, political change and the relationship between law and society in the developing world. It will be read by scholars of the Middle East, law students and those interested in the history of law and its evolution.
Courts --- Rule of law --- Tribunaux --- Règle de droit --- -Courts --- -Rule of law --- -Supremacy of law --- Administrative law --- Constitutional law --- Judiciary --- Dispute resolution (Law) --- Judicial districts --- Law --- Procedure (Law) --- Judicial power --- Jurisdiction --- Justice, Administration of --- Law and legislation --- Règle de droit --- Supremacy of law --- Arab countries --- Egypt --- Persian Gulf States --- Courts - Arab countries. --- Courts - Egypt. --- Courts - Persian Gulf States. --- Rule of law - Arab countries. --- Rule of law - Egypt. --- Rule of law - Persian Gulf States. --- General and Others --- Courts - Arab countries --- Courts - Egypt --- Courts - Persian Gulf States --- Rule of law - Arab countries --- Rule of law - Egypt --- Rule of law - Persian Gulf States
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Sociology of law --- Arab Gulf States --- Egypt --- Courts --- Rule of law --- Supremacy of law --- Administrative law --- Constitutional law --- Judiciary --- Dispute resolution (Law) --- Judicial districts --- Law --- Procedure (Law) --- Judicial power --- Jurisdiction --- Justice, Administration of --- Law and legislation --- Tribunaux --- Règle de droit --- Courts - Arab countries. --- Courts - Egypt. --- Courts - Persian Gulf States. --- Rule of law - Arab countries. --- Rule of law - Egypt. --- Rule of law - Persian Gulf States.
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The collapse of authoritarian regimes and the global resurgence of liberal democracy has led to a renewed interest in constitutions and constitutionalism among scholars and political activists alike. This book uses the Arab experience to explain the appeal of constitutional documents to authoritarian regimes and assesses the degree to which such constitutions can be used in the effort to make the regimes more accountable.
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Throughout the Arab world, Islamist political movements are joining the electoral process. This change alarms some observers and excites other. In recent years, electoral opportunities have opened, and Islamist movements have seized them. But those opportunities, while real, have also been sharply circumscribed. Elections may be freer, but they are not fair. The opposition can run but it generally cannot win. Semiauthoritarian conditions prevail in much of the Arab world, even in the wake of the Arab Spring. How do Islamist movements change when they plunge into freer but unfair elections? How do their organizations (such as the Muslim Brotherhood) and structures evolve? What happens to their core ideological principles? And how might their increased involvement affect the political system?In When Victory Is Not an Option, Nathan J. Brown addresses these questions by focusing on Islamist movements in Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and Palestine. He shows that uncertain benefits lead to uncertain changes. Islamists do adapt their organizations and their ideologies do bend-some. But leaders almost always preserve a line of retreat in case the political opening fizzles or fails to deliver what they wish. The result is a cat-and-mouse game between dominant regimes and wily movements. There are possibilities for more significant changes, but to date they remain only possibilities.
Islam and politics --- Political parties --- Islamic fundamentalism --- Fundamentalism, Islamic --- Islamism --- Islam --- Religious fundamentalism --- Parties, Political --- Party systems, Political --- Political party systems --- Political science --- Divided government --- Intra-party disagreements (Political parties) --- Political conventions --- Arab countries --- Politics and government
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Lumbering State, Restless Society offers a comprehensive and compelling understanding of modern Egypt. Nathan J. Brown, Shimaa Hatab, and Amr Adly guide readers through crucial developments in Egyptian politics, society, and economics from the middle of the twentieth century through the present. Integrating diverse perspectives and areas of expertise, including the tools of comparative politics, the book provides an accessible and clear introduction to the Egypt of today alongside an innovative and rigorous analysis of the country’s history and governance.Brown, Hatab, and Adly highlight ways in which Egypt resembles other societies around the world, drawing from and contributing to broader debates in political science. They trace the emergence of a powerful and intrusive state alongside a society that is increasingly politicized, and they emphasize how the rulers and regimes who have built and steered the state apparatus have also had to retreat and recalibrate. The authors also examine why authoritarianism, corporatism, and socialism have decayed without resulting in a liberal democratic order, and they show why Egyptian politics should not be understood in terms of a single dominant force but rather an interplay among many actors. At once current, insightful, and engaging, Lumbering State, Restless Society delivers a powerful and distinctive account of modern Egypt in the modern world.
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Authoritarianism seems to be everywhere in the political world--even the definition of authoritarianism as any form of non-democratic governance has grown very broad. Attempts to explain authoritarian rule as a function of the interests or needs of the ruler or regime can be misleading. Autocrats Can't Always Get What They Want argues that to understand how authoritarian systems work we need to look not only at the interests and intentions of those at the top, but also at the inner workings of the various parts of the state. Courts, elections, security force structure, and intelligence gathering are seen as structured and geared toward helping maintain the regime. Yet authoritarian regimes do not all operate the same way in the day-to-day and year-to-year tumble of politics. In Autocrats Can't Always Get What They Want, the authors find that when state bodies form strong institutional patterns and forge links with key allies both inside the state and outside of it, they can define interests and missions that are different from those at the top of the regime. By focusing on three such structures (parliaments, constitutional courts, and official religious institutions), the book shows that the degree of autonomy realized by a particular part of the state rests on how thoroughly it is institutionalized and how strong its links are with constituencies. Instead of viewing authoritarian governance as something that reduces politics to rulers' whims and opposition movements, the authors show how it operates--and how much what we call "authoritarianism" varies.
Dictatorship. --- Authoritarianism. --- Public institutions --- Autonomy. --- Management.
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In early 2011, widespread protests ousted dictatorial regimes in both Tunisia and Egypt. Within a few years, Tunisia successfully held parliamentary and presidential elections and witnessed a peaceful transition of power, while the Egyptian military went on to seize power and institute authoritarian control. What explains the success and failure of transitions to democracy in these two countries, and how might they speak to democratic transition attempts in other Muslim-majority countries?Democratic Transition in the Muslim World convenes leading scholars to consider the implications of democratic success in Tunisia and failure in Egypt in comparative perspective. Alongside case studies of Indonesia, Senegal, and India, contributors analyze similarities and differences among democratizing countries with large Muslim populations, considering universal challenges as well as each nation's particular obstacles. A central theme is the need to understand the conditions under which it becomes possible to craft pro-democratic coalitions among secularists and Islamists. Essays discuss the dynamics of secularist fears of Islamist electoral success, the role of secular constituencies in authoritarian regimes' resilience, and the prospects for moderation among both secularist and Islamist political actors. They delve into topics such as the role of the army and foreign military aid, Middle Eastern constitutions, and the role of the Muslim Brotherhood. The book also includes an essay by the founder and president of Tunisia's Ennadha Party, Rachid Ghannouchi, who discusses the political strategies his party chose to pursue.
Democratization --- Democracy --- Islam and politics --- Self-government --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- Democratic consolidation --- Democratic transition --- New democracies --- Islamic countries --- Muslim countries --- Politics and government
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Judicial independence --- Judicial power --- Separation of powers --- Egypt --- Politics and government --- Judicial independence - Egypt - Congresses --- Judicial power - Egypt - Congresses --- Separation of powers - Egypt - Congresses --- Egypt - Politics and government - 21st century - Congresses
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