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Based on interviews with Leamington greenhouse growers and migrant Mexican workers, Tanya Basok offers a timely analysis of why the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program is needed. She argues that while Mexican workers do not necessarily constitute cheap labour for Canadian growers, they are vital for the survival of some agricultural sectors because they are always available for work, even on holidays and weekends, or when exhausted, sick, or injured. Basok exposes the mechanisms that make Mexican seasonal workers unfree and shows that the workers' virtual inability to refuse the employer's demand for their labour is related not only to economic need but to the rigid control exercised by the Mexican Ministry of Labour and Social Planning and Canadian growers over workers' participation in the Canadian guest worker program, as well as the paternalistic relationship between the Mexican harvesters and their Canadian employers.

Foreign workers, Mexican --- Agricultural laborers, Foreign

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César E. Chávez came to Oxnard, California, in 1958, twenty years after he lived briefly in the city as a child with his migrant farmworker family during the Great Depression. This time Chávez returned as the organizer of the Community Service Organization to support the unionization campaign of the United Packinghouse Workers of America. Together the two groups challenged the agricultural industry's use of braceros (imported contract laborers) who displaced resident farmworkers.The Mexican and Mexican American populations in Oxnard were involved in cultural struggles and negotiation

Foreign workers, Mexican -- California -- Oxnard -- History. --- Labor movement -- California -- Oxnard -- History. --- Mexican Americans -- Civil rights -- California -- Oxnard -- History. --- Mexican Americans -- Cultural assimilation -- California -- Oxnard -- History. --- Foreign workers, Mexican --- Mexican Americans --- Labor movement --- Business & Economics --- Labor & Workers' Economics --- History --- Civil rights --- Cultural assimilation --- History. --- Alien labor, Mexican --- Mexican foreign workers --- Chicanos --- Hispanos --- Labor and laboring classes --- Ethnology --- Social movements --- Civil rights&delete& --- Cultural assimilation&delete& --- E-books

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The Mexico–Guatemala border has emerged as a geopolitical hotspot of illicit flows of both goods and people. Contraband Corridor seeks to understand the border from the perspective of its long-term inhabitants, including petty smugglers of corn, clothing, and coffee. Challenging assumptions regarding security, trade, and illegality, Rebecca Berke Galemba details how these residents engage in and justify extralegal practices in the context of heightened border security, restricted economic opportunities, and exclusionary trade policies. Rather than assuming that extralegal activities necessarily threaten the state and formal economy, Galemba's ethnography illustrates the complex ways that the formal, informal, legal, and illegal economies intertwine. Smuggling basic commodities across the border provides a means for borderland peasants to make a living while neoliberal economic policies decimate agricultural livelihoods. Yet smuggling also exacerbates prevailing inequalities, obstructs the possibility of more substantive political and economic change, and provides low-risk economic benefits to businesses, state agents, and other illicit actors, often at the expense of border residents. Galemba argues that securitized neoliberalism values certain economic activities and actors while excluding and criminalizing others, even when the informal and illicit economy is increasingly one of the poor's only remaining options. Contraband Corridor contends that security, neoliberalism, and illegality are interdependent in complex ways, yet how they unfold depends on negotiations between diverse border actors.

Smuggling --- Border security --- Border control --- Border management --- Boundaries --- Cross-border security --- National security --- Contraband trade --- Crime --- Customs administration --- Security measures --- Mexican-Guatemalan Border Region --- Border Region, Guatemalan-Mexican --- Border Region, Mexican-Guatemalan --- Borderlands (Guatemala and Mexico) --- Guatemala-Mexico Border Region --- Guatemalan-Mexican Border Region --- Mexico-Guatemala Border Region --- Commerce. --- Social problems --- Migration. Refugees --- Criminology. Victimology --- Frontera sur --- Guatemala

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The United States and Mexico trade many commodities, the most important of which are indispensable sources of energy—crude oil and agricultural labor. Mexican oil and workers provide cheap and reliable energy for the United States, while US petro dollars and agricultural jobs supply much-needed income for the Mexican economy. Mexico’s economic dependence on the United States is well-known, but The Politics of Dependency makes a compelling case that the United States is also economically dependent on Mexico. Expanding dependency theory beyond the traditional premise that weak countries are dominated by powerful ones, Martha Menchaca investigates how the United States and Mexico have developed an asymmetrical codependency that disproportionally benefits the United States. In particular, she analyzes how US foreign policy was designed to enable the US government to help shape the development of Mexico’s oil industry, as well as how migration from Mexico to the United States has been regulated by the US Congress to ensure that American farmers have sufficient labor. This unprecedented dual study of energy sectors that are usually examined in isolation reveals the extent to which the United States has become economically dependent on Mexico, even as it remains the dominant partner in the relationship. It also exposes the long-term effects of the agricultural policies of NAFTA, which led to the unemployment of millions of agricultural workers in Mexico, a large percentage of whom relocated to the United States.

Petroleum industry and trade --- Mexican American agricultural laborers --- United States --- Mexico --- Foreign economic relations

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The majority of the people who make up the United States' seasonal agricultural workforce are nonimmigrant Mexican citizens. Immigration policies such as the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) and the H-2A agricultural guest worker program were meant to encourage growers to employ legal labor workforces. A study of the laws and practices that eventually resulted in the H-2A program shows how and why the demographics are predominantly Mexican. In addition, such study is revealing as to why the US enacted the H-2A program-including definitional details of the program itself. However, does this program really work? This question has radically different answers. In theory, the program seems to be well designed; but, in practice, it does not function as intended because of its many shortcomings, loopholes, open-ended issues, and poor enforcement. I will analyze and demonstrate how these inadequacies perpetuate illegal immigration and exploitation of both legal and illegal seasonal agricultural farm workers. Lastly, I will offer a composite of recommendations for legislative reform of the H-2A program; as well as provide pertinent, resourceful questions for further research.

Foreign Workers, Mexican --- Agricultural Laborers --- Emigration And Immigration Law --- United States --- Business & Economics --- Law --- Social Science --- Foreign workers, mexican --- Agricultural laborers --- Emigration and immigration law --- United states --- Business & economics --- Social science