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Burke, Edmund, --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד --- Contributions in political science.

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"Over the last fifty years the life and work of Edmund Burke (1729-1797) has received sustained scholarly attention and debate. The publication of the complete correspondence in ten volumes and the nine volume edition of Burke's Writings and Speeches have provided material for the scholarly reassessment of his life and works. Attention has focused in particular on locating his ideas in the history of eighteenth-century theory and practice and the contexts of late eighteenth-century conservative thought. This book broadens the focus to examine the many sided interest in Burke's ideas primarily in Europe, and most notably in politics and aesthetics. It draws on the work of leading international scholars to present new perspectives on the significance of Burke's ideas in European politics and culture."--Bloomsbury Publishing.

Burke, Edmund, --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד --- Appreciation. --- Influence. --- Political and social views. --- Aesthetics. --- E-books

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The statesman and political philosopher Edmund Burke (1729-1797) is a touchstone for modern conservatism in the United States, and his name and his writings have been invoked by figures ranging from the arch Federalist George Cabot to the twentieth-century political philosopher Leo Strauss. But Burke's legacy has neither been consistently associated with conservative thought nor has the richness and subtlety of his political vision been fully appreciated by either his American admirers or detractors. In Edmund Burke in America, Drew Maciag traces Burke's reception and reputation in the United States, from the contest of ideas between Burke and Thomas Paine in the Revolutionary period, to the Progressive Era (when Republicans and Democrats alike invoked Burke's wisdom), to his apotheosis within the modern conservative movement.Throughout, Maciag is sensitive to the relationship between American opinions about Burke and the changing circumstances of American life. The dynamic tension between conservative and liberal attitudes in American society surfaced in debates over the French Revolution, Jacksonian democracy, Gilded Age values, Progressive reform, Cold War anticommunism, and post-1960s liberalism. The post-World War II rediscovery of Burke by New Conservatives and their adoption of him as the "father of conservatism" provided an intellectual foundation for the conservative ascendancy of the late twentieth century. Highlighting the Burkean influence on such influential writers as George Bancroft, E. L. Godkin, and Russell Kirk, Maciag also explores the underappreciated impact of Burke's thought on four U.S. presidents: John Adams and John Quincy Adams, Theodore Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson. Through close and keen readings of political speeches, public lectures, and works of history and political theory and commentary, Maciag offers a sweeping account of the American political scene over two centuries.

Political science --- Conservatism --- Administration --- Civil government --- Commonwealth, The --- Government --- Political theory --- Political thought --- Politics --- Science, Political --- Social sciences --- State, The --- Philosophy. --- History. --- Burke, Edmund, --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד

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Many modern conservatives and feminists trace the roots of their ideologies, respectively, to Edmund Burke (1729–1797) and Mary Wollstonecraft (1759–1797), and a proper understanding of these two thinkers is therefore important as a framework for political debates today.According to Daniel O’Neill, Burke is misconstrued if viewed as mainly providing a warning about the dangers of attempting to turn utopian visions into political reality, while Wollstonecraft is far more than just a proponent of extending the public sphere rights of man to include women. Rather, at the heart of their differences lies a dispute over democracy as a force tending toward savagery (Burke) or toward civilization (Wollstonecraft). Their debate over the meaning of the French Revolution is the place where these differences are elucidated, but the real key to understanding what this debate is about is its relation to the intellectual tradition of the Scottish Enlightenment, whose language of politics provided the discursive framework within and against which Burke and Wollstonecraft developed their own unique ideas about what was involved in the civilizing process.

Enlightenment --- Burke, Edmund, --- Wollstonecraft, Mary, --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד --- France --- History --- Causes. --- Wollstonecraft, Mary --- Cresswick, --- Godwin, Mary Wollstonecraft,

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Should we view moments of democratic failure as revealing the failure of democracy, or as revealing a contested, contingent failing that could have been otherwise? This is the question that Lida Maxwell examines via exploration of three writers' diagnoses of, and responses to, democratic failure in three sets of trial writings: Edmund Burke's writings on the Warren Hastings impeachment in late 18th century Britain, Emile Zola's writings on the Dreyfus Affair in late 19th century France, and Hannah Arendt's writings on the Eichmann trial in 1960s Israel.

Democracy --- Justice, Administration of --- Philosophy. --- Hastings, Warren, --- Burke, Edmund, --- Dreyfus, Alfred, --- Administration of justice --- Law --- Courts --- Law and legislation --- Draifus, Alfred, --- Drayfūs, Alfrīd, --- Drīfūs, Alfrīd, --- Dreĭfus, Alifred, --- Dreĭfus, Alʹfred, --- Dreyfus, Alfredo, --- דרייפוס, אלפרד --- דרייפוס, אלפרד, --- דרייפוס, אלפרעד, --- דרײפוס, אלפרד, --- Berḳ, Edmand, --- Berk, Ėdmund, --- Bŏŏkʻŭ, Edŭmŏndŭ, --- Late noble writer, --- ברק, אדמנד --- Dreyfus, Alfred