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Philosophy --- Political science --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- Criticism and interpretation
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Montesquieu (1689–1755) is regarded as one of the most important thinkers of the Enlightenment. His Lettres persanes and L'Esprit des lois have been read by students and scholars throughout the last two centuries. While many have associated Montesquieu with the doctrine of the "separation of powers" in the history of ideas, Rebecca E. Kingston brings together leading international scholars who for the first time present a systematic treatment and discussion of the significance of his ideas more generally for the development of Western political theory and institutions. In particular, Montesquieu and His Legacy supplements the conventional focus on the institutional teachings of Montesquieu with attention to the theme of morals and manners. The contributors provide commentary on the broad legacy of Montesquieu's thought in past times as well as for the contemporary era.
Political science --- Political philosophy --- Philosophy. --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- Mengdesijiu, --- Mongtētkiʻǣ, --- Monteskʹe, Sharlʹ Lui, --- Monteskīĭ, --- Monteskiusz, --- Monteskiyü, --- Monṭesḳyeh, --- Montesquieu, --- Montesquieu, Charles Louis de Secondat, --- Montesquiou, --- Montesukyū, --- Muntisikyū, --- Secondat, Charles-Louis de, --- מונטסקייה --- モンテスキウ̄, --- 孟德斯鳩,
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Montesquieu is rightly famous as a tireless critic of despotism, which he associates in his writings overtly with Asia and the Middle East and not with the apparently more moderate Western models of governance found throughout Europe. However, a careful reading of Montesquieu reveals that he recognizes a susceptibility to despotic practices in the West-and that the threat emanates not from the East, but from certain despotic ideas that inform such Western institutions as the French monarchy and the Roman Catholic Church. Nowhere is Montesquieu's critique of the despotic ideas of Europe more powerful than in his enormously influential The Spirit of the Laws, and Vickie B. Sullivan guides readers through Montesquieu's sometimes veiled, yet sharply critical accounts of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Aristotle, and Plato, as well as various Christian thinkers. He finds deleterious consequences, for example, in brutal Machiavellianism, in Hobbes's justifications for the rule of one, in Plato's reasoning that denied slaves the right of natural defense, and in the Christian teachings that equated heresy with treason and informed the Inquisition. In this new reading of Montesquieu's masterwork, Sullivan corrects the misconception that it offers simple, objective observations, showing it instead to be a powerful critique of European politics that would become remarkably and regrettably prescient after Montesquieu's death when despotism wound its way through Europe.
Despotism --- Despotism --- Political science --- Christianity and politics --- Religious aspects --- Christianity. --- Philosophy. --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- Machiavelli, Niccolò, --- Hobbes, Thomas, --- Plato. --- Aristotle. --- Aristotle. --- Christian doctrines. --- Hobbes. --- Machiavelli. --- Montesquieu. --- Plato. --- Sparta. --- criminal justice. --- despotism. --- philosopher as legislator. --- slavery.
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Political science --- Philosophy, French --- History --- CDL --- 94 --- 18th century --- France --- Political science - France - History - 18th century --- Philosophy, French - 18th century --- HISTOIRE DES DOCTRINES --- ECONOMIE POLITIQUE --- SIECLE DES LUMIERES --- MONTESQUIEU (CHARLES DE SECONDAT, BARON DE LA BREDE ET DE), ECRIVAIN ET PHILOSOPHE FRANCAIS, 1689-1755 --- VOLTAIRE, 1694-1778 --- ROUSSEAU (JEAN-JACQUES), 1712-1778 --- DIDEROT, DENIS (1713-1784) --- SADE (DONATIEN-ALPHONSE-FRANCOIS), MARQUIS DE --- 16E-20E SIECLES --- HISTOIRE --- VIE INTELLECTUELLE --- CRITIQUE ET INTERPRETATION --- OEUVRES --- 18E SIECLE
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This is a study of the political theory of the Enlightenment, focusing on four leading eighteenth-century thinkers: David Hume, Adam Smith, Montesquieu and Voltaire. Dennis C. Rasmussen calls attention to the particular strand of the Enlightenment these thinkers represent, which he terms the 'pragmatic Enlightenment'. He defends this strand of Enlightenment thought against both the Enlightenment's critics and some of the more idealistic Enlightenment figures who tend to have more followers today, such as John Locke, Immanuel Kant and Jeremy Bentham. Professor Rasmussen argues that Hume, Smith, Montesquieu and Voltaire exemplify an especially attractive type of liberalism, one that is more realistic, moderate, flexible, and contextually sensitive than most other branches of this tradition.
Enlightenment. --- Liberalism. --- Liberal egalitarianism --- Liberty --- Political science --- Social sciences --- Aufklärung --- Eighteenth century --- Philosophy, Modern --- Rationalism --- Hume, David, --- Smith, Adam, --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- Voltaire, --- Voltaire --- de Voltaire, F.-M. A. --- Vadé, Guillaume --- M. de V. --- Bazin --- Arouet, François Marie --- Mengdesijiu, --- Mongtētkiʻǣ, --- Monteskʹe, Sharlʹ Lui, --- Monteskīĭ, --- Monteskiusz, --- Monteskiyü, --- Monṭesḳyeh, --- Montesquieu, --- Montesquieu, Charles Louis de Secondat, --- Montesquiou, --- Montesukyū, --- Muntisikyū, --- Secondat, Charles-Louis de, --- מונטסקייה --- モンテスキウ̄, --- 孟德斯鳩, --- Arts and Humanities --- Philosophy
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How did the US judiciary become so powerful-powerful enough that state and federal judges once vied to decide a presidential election? What does this prominence mean for the law, constitutionalism, and liberal democracy? In The Cloaking of Power, Paul O. Carrese provides a provocative analysis of the intellectual sources of today's powerful judiciary, arguing that Montesquieu, in his Spirit of the Laws, first articulated a new conception of the separation of powers and strong but subtle courts. Montesquieu instructed statesmen to "cloak power" by placing judges at the center of politics, while concealing them behind juries and subtle reforms. Tracing this conception through Blackstone, Hamilton, and Tocqueville, Carrese shows how it led to the prominence of judges, courts, and lawyers in America today. But he places the blame for contemporary judicial activism squarely at the feet of Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. and his jurisprudential revolution, which he believes to be the source of the now-prevalent view that judging is merely political. To address this crisis, Carrese argues for a rediscovery of an independent judiciary-one that blends prudence and natural law with common law and that observes the moderate jurisprudence of Montesquieu and Blackstone, balancing abstract principles with realistic views of human nature and institutions. He also advocates for a return to the complex constitutionalism of the American founders and Tocqueville and for judges who understand their responsibility to elevate citizens above individualism, instructing them in law and right.
Judicial process --- Political questions and judicial power --- Judicial power --- Liberalism --- Jurisprudence --- Law --- Judiciary --- Justiciability --- Power, Judicial --- Constitutional law --- Courts --- Implied powers (Constitutional law) --- Judicial independence --- Separation of powers --- Judicial activism --- Judicial power and political questions --- Act of state --- Administrative discretion --- Judicial review --- Jurisdiction --- Rule of law --- Decision making, Judicial --- Judicial behavior --- Judicial decision making --- Judges --- Procedure (Law) --- Political aspects --- History. --- Literary history --- Psychological aspects --- Interpretation and construction --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- Blackstone, William, --- Mengdesijiu, --- Mongtētkiʻǣ, --- Monteskʹe, Sharlʹ Lui, --- Monteskīĭ, --- Monteskiusz, --- Monteskiyü, --- Monṭesḳyeh, --- Montesquieu, --- Montesquieu, Charles Louis de Secondat, --- Montesquiou, --- Montesukyū, --- Muntisikyū, --- Secondat, Charles-Louis de, --- מונטסקייה --- モンテスキウ̄, --- 孟德斯鳩, --- judicial activism, blackstone, montesquieu, law, legal system, political science, power, authority, judiciary, constitutionalism, democracy, spirit of the laws, separation powers, courts, juries, reform, tocqueville, hamilton, oliver wendell holmes jr, individualism, liberalism, nonfiction, lord mansfield, sovereignty, reason, history, due process, jurisprudence.
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Democracy in Moderation views constitutional liberal democracy as grounded in a principle of avoiding extremes and striking the right balance among its defining principles of liberty, equality, religion, and sustainable order, thus tempering tendencies toward sectarian excess. Such moderation originally informed liberal democracy, but now is neglected. Moderation can guide us intellectually and practically about domestic and foreign policy debates, but also serve the sustainability of the constitutional, liberal republic as a whole. Our recent theory thus doesn't help our practice, given our concerns about polarization and sectarianism in ideas, policy, and politics. A rediscovery of Montesquieu and his legacy in shaping America's complex political order, including influence on Washington's practical moderation and Tocqueville's philosophical moderation, addresses these enduring theoretical and practical problems. Moderation also offers a deeper theory of leadership or statesmanship, particularly regarding religion and politics, and of foreign policy and strategy rooted in liberal democracy's first principles.
Liberalism --- Philosophy. --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- Tocqueville, Alexis de, --- Tocqueville, Alexis Charles Henri Maurice Clérel de, --- Tokvilʹ, Alekseĭ de, --- De Tokvilʹ, Alekseĭ, --- Tokvilʹ, Aleksis de, --- De Tocqueville, Alexis, --- Tokuviru, Alexis, de, --- Toqueville, Alexis de, --- טוקוויל, אלכסיס דה --- توكڤيل، ألكسي دو، --- Tūkvīl, Āliksī dū, --- توکويل، آلکسى دو --- Clérel, Alexis Henri Charles de, --- Mengdesijiu, --- Mongtētkiʻǣ, --- Monteskʹe, Sharlʹ Lui, --- Monteskīĭ, --- Monteskiusz, --- Monteskiyü, --- Monṭesḳyeh, --- Montesquieu, --- Montesquieu, Charles Louis de Secondat, --- Montesquiou, --- Montesukyū, --- Muntisikyū, --- Secondat, Charles-Louis de, --- מונטסקייה --- モンテスキウ̄, --- 孟德斯鳩, --- Moderation --- Democracy. --- Political aspects. --- Self-government --- Political science --- Equality --- Representative government and representation --- Republics --- Golden mean --- Mean, Golden --- de Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat, 1689-1755 --- Tocqueville, Alexis Charles Henri Maurice, 1805-1859
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“American republicans,” notes Forrest McDonald, “regarded selected doctrines of Montesquieu’s as being virtually on par with Holy Writ.” But exactly how the French jurist’s labyrinthian work, The Spirit of the Laws, with was published in 1748, influenced the eighteenthcentury conception of the republic is not well understood by historians or theorists. Anne M. Cohler undertakes to show the importance of Montequieu’s teaching for modern legislation and for modern political prudence generally, with specific reference to his impact on The Federalist and Tocqueville. In so doing, she delineates Montequieu’s contribution to political philosophy and suggests new ways to think about the formation of the American Constitution.To analyze the comparative politics found in the Spirit of the Laws, Cohler focuses on four fundamental principles underlying Montesquieu’s view of government: spirit, moderation, liberty, and legislation. In this endeavor she is guided by the conviction that the philosopher hews to the spirit of the laws rather than to the laws themselves—that is, to internal rather than external principles. Montesquieu, in Cohler’s argument, addresses the problem posed by the tendency to see human beings in light o universal abstractions at the expense of particular relationships, distinctions, and forms. To counter this tendency, which can be fostered by religion, Montesquieu develops a theory of prudence designed to support the world of politics and political life, necessarily an intermediate world occupying a space between universal abstractions and individual particularities.Cohler suggest that the Federalists and Tocqueville were most influenced by this preoccupation with spirit and moderation. James Madison and other Federalists, for example, were not drawn to limited government as a principled notion but rather as a consequence of understanding the context within which a moderate government must act not to become despotic. Similarly, Tocqueville extols democracy as selfgovernment as an antidote to the dangers of democracy as a rule; the character of the governed shapes the nature of the governors. These and other conclusions will prove valuable to intellectual historians, political theorists, and students of religion.
Constitutional history. --- Constitutional history --- Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, --- United States. --- Constitutional history, Modern --- Constitutional law --- Constitutions --- History --- ABŞ --- ABSh --- Ameerika Ühendriigid --- America (Republic) --- Amerika Birlăshmish Shtatlary --- Amerika Birlăşmi Ştatları --- Amerika Birlăşmiş Ştatları --- Amerika ka Kelenyalen Jamanaw --- Amerika Qūrama Shtattary --- Amerika Qŭshma Shtatlari --- Amerika Qushma Shtattary --- Amerika (Republic) --- Amerikai Egyesült Államok --- Amerikanʹ Veĭtʹsėndi︠a︡vks Shtattnė --- Amerikări Pĕrleshu̇llĕ Shtatsem --- Amerikas Forenede Stater --- Amerikayi Miatsʻyal Nahangner --- Ameriketako Estatu Batuak --- Amirika Carékat --- AQSh --- Ar. ha-B. --- Arhab --- Artsot ha-Berit --- Artzois Ha'bris --- Bí-kok --- Ē.P.A. --- EE.UU. --- Egyesült Államok --- ĒPA --- Estados Unidos --- Estados Unidos da América do Norte --- Estados Unidos de América --- Estaos Xuníos --- Estaos Xuníos d'América --- Estatos Unitos --- Estatos Unitos d'America --- Estats Units d'Amèrica --- Ètats-Unis d'Amèrica --- États-Unis d'Amérique --- Fareyniḳṭe Shṭaṭn --- Feriene Steaten --- Feriene Steaten fan Amearika --- Forente stater --- FS --- Hēnomenai Politeiai Amerikēs --- Hēnōmenes Politeies tēs Amerikēs --- Hiwsisayin Amerikayi Miatsʻeal Tērutʻiwnkʻ --- Istadus Unidus --- Jungtinės Amerikos valstybės --- Mei guo --- Mei-kuo --- Meiguo --- Mî-koet --- Miatsʻyal Nahangner --- Miguk --- Na Stàitean Aonaichte --- NSA --- S.U.A. --- SAD --- Saharat ʻAmērikā --- SASht --- Severo-Amerikanskie Shtaty --- Severo-Amerikanskie Soedinennye Shtaty --- Si︠e︡vero-Amerikanskīe Soedinennye Shtaty --- Sjedinjene Američke Države --- Soedinennye Shtaty Ameriki --- Soedinennye Shtaty Severnoĭ Ameriki --- Soedinennye Shtaty Si︠e︡vernoĭ Ameriki --- Spojené obce severoamerické --- Spojené staty americké --- SShA --- Stadoù-Unanet Amerika --- Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá --- Stany Zjednoczone --- Stati Uniti --- Stati Uniti d'America --- Stâts Unîts --- Stâts Unîts di Americhe --- Steatyn Unnaneysit --- Steatyn Unnaneysit America --- SUA (Stati Uniti d'America) --- Sŭedineni amerikanski shtati --- Sŭedinenite shtati --- Tetã peteĩ reko Amérikagua --- U.S. --- U.S.A. --- United States of America --- Unol Daleithiau --- Unol Daleithiau America --- Unuiĝintaj Ŝtatoj de Ameriko --- US --- USA --- Usono --- Vaeinigte Staatn --- Vaeinigte Staatn vo Amerika --- Vereinigte Staaten --- Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika --- Verenigde State van Amerika --- Verenigde Staten --- VS --- VSA --- Wááshindoon Bikéyah Ałhidadiidzooígíí --- Wilāyāt al-Muttaḥidah --- Wilāyāt al-Muttaḥidah al-Amirīkīyah --- Wilāyāt al-Muttaḥidah al-Amrīkīyah --- Yhdysvallat --- Yunaeted Stet --- Yunaeted Stet blong Amerika --- ZDA --- Združene države Amerike --- Zʹi︠e︡dnani Derz︠h︡avy Ameryky --- Zjadnośone staty Ameriki --- Zluchanyi︠a︡ Shtaty Ameryki --- Zlucheni Derz︠h︡avy --- ZSA --- Η.Π.Α. --- Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες της Αμερικής --- Америка (Republic) --- Американь Вейтьсэндявкс Штаттнэ --- Америкӑри Пӗрлешӳллӗ Штатсем --- САЩ --- Съединените щати --- Злучаныя Штаты Амерыкі --- ولايات المتحدة --- ولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة --- ولايات المتحدة الامريكية --- 미국 --- États-Unis --- É.-U. --- ÉU --- Constitution: government & the state
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